ustxtxb_obs_2003_05_09_50_00017-00000_000.pdf

lions for the past decade or so. We do not mean to suggest that these developments were the principal motives behind the invasion \(although the real ones have yet to be permanently everyplace in Iraq is a smoking ruin, why not take advantage of the chaos to set up the World Bank’s dream developing country? A military occupation relinquishing power to a gerrymandered election process in which desperate voters choose between Former Iraqi Banker A and Former Iraqi Investor B, one of whom will ultimately oversee an entirely corporate economy with the world’s taxpayers footing the bill for all costs and risks until the Iraqi taxpayers themselves can pick up the tab. Note: Oil revenues will be unavailable to support this process, as the oil fields are among the first of the public resources slated for privateering. The World Bank has been trying to figure out how to set up this deal in its unlucky client states for a long time. We are not kidding. Or exaggerating. The Bank is right on out there with the Heritage Foundation when it comes to cranking up public information campaigns to flog privatization because, in addition to its post-conflict operations, the Bank has its no-conflict machina tions. These are the stratagems devised to close down every meaningful channel of political debate about State assets and responsibilities for economic and social services by manipulating legislatures, trade unions and the media into agreement with the prevailing corporate agenda at the World Bank and the U.S. Treasury. Recently, in fact, the Public Communication Program for Privatization Projects: A Toolkit for World Bank Task Team Leaders and the Clients came to light illustrating this very point. In reading the toolkit, we learned that the Bank views democratization as a constraint to privatization because it can result in “investor uncertainty.” “Vested interests” are also an obstacle. By these, the Bank means organized public workers who obstinately prefer keeping their jobs to embarking on promising new careers in microenterprise by squeegeeing windshields at traffic lights. The Toolkit identifies for task managers and team leaders the opposition they may face, for example, when trying to sell someone else’s water system to Bechtel or their oil fields to Amoco: Such opposition can come from a variety of concerns, including: the preservation of national sovereignty or independence, the desire to retain national control over certain activities or interests, the fear that wealth may become concentrated in the hands of a few private parties, the dismantling of industries, labor unrest resulting from job loss, raising tariffs and costs. Sounds like a legitimate set of qualms. Rather than addressing them, however, the Bank recommends that team leaders use high-profile political leaders to assure workers and consumers that their fears are groundless. To illustrate the cleverness of this approach, the Toolkit cites Argentina’s privatization of the telecommunication agency ENTEL. This could not have been accomplished “…had President Menem not established his office as the political champion of the reform program, and his government not espoused it so clearly and supported it so vigorously.” President Menem, of course, has since been convincingly exposed as one of the biggest crooks in the Western Hemisphere who, together with his cronies, stole a hefty percentage of the privatization proceeds and left office just ahead of Argentina’s catastrophic economic collapse. As it turns out in Argentina, those who were afraid of the loss of national sovereignty, industries and jobs, had good reason to be. Never mind. Bad example. The Toolkit goes on to instruct users in methods of developing a propaganda campaign to sell off the state and the national patrimony. This requires money, well-defined goals, targeted messages and credible spokespersons. If Carlos Menem happens to be momentarily discredited or incarcerated, or \(in been selected, the Bank suggests using non-governmental organizations, religious organizations and churches to shill for private corporations. These organizations have two compelling Next, audiences likely to question the program must be identified and targeted with appropriate messages. In the Bank’s experience, the most important Since downtown everyplace in Iraq is a smoking ruin, why not take advantage of the chaos to set up the World Bank’s dream developing country? A military occupation relinquishing power to a gerrymandered election process in which desperate voters choose between Former Iraqi Banker A and Former Iraqi Investor B, one of whom will ultimately oversee an entirely corporate economy with the world’s taxpayers footing the bill for all the costs and risks until the Iraqi taxpayers themselves can pick up the tab. 5/9/03 THE TEXAS OBSERVER 17