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16 T p.server 0 I-1 co O 0, A 1:-Da 0 r – , Jerry Holleman’s resignation during the Estes scandals last’ year has not yet fully unfolded. V Why, after supporting it pub licly, did Gov. Connally switch and oppose Rep. Howard Green’s bill to move the dates of primaries closer to general elections? \(The House killed Green’s bill after Forest Harding, San Angelo, announced at the back mike that Connally was against of Vice President Johnson, who said in Fort Worth, behind the scenes, that it did not allow time for a contest, would disfranchise Latins, and would prevent Connally from going to the national Democratic convention in 1964. \(As a practical matter, Connally would have had to stay in V Many explanations have been bruited about for the Senate’s rejection of W. St. John Garwood for the University of Texas board of regentsBirch-type thinking against Garwood’s internationalism, his archness with senators, one senator’s desire that Gov. Connally know he existed, pressure on another senator to vote against Garwood because the J. Ed Lyles nomination got tangled up in the issue. The Garwood rejection tended to release suspicion about the powers that run the Senate. It is not well known, but Sen. Dorsey Hardeman, San Angelo, ,made the sole speech against Garwood, saying he had been active in’ the Atlantic pact and in one worldism, that he was a rich man and had a good deal of time to devote to the board, and that his views would be persuasive. Hardeman said he would vote no. No one even rose to defend Garwood, as his friends did not suspect that 12 of the senators were going to vote no until they did. V “I’m in,” says Rep. Charles Whitfield of the Houston mayor’s race. Whitfield can be expected to run hard against police brutality and against policemen investigating themselves, which he says is the re sult of the present mayor’s revised position on the issue in Houston. . . . A one percent city sales tax is the most significant issue, statewide, in the Dallas mayor’s race. Mayor Earle Cabell is for it ; his challenger is not. The Texas research league broached the idea of city sales taxes a few years back ; the Texas municipal league has asked for legislation au thorizing them, but it is stalled. . . . In Austin, 15 candidates have an nounced for city -council in part because of the cable TV dispute. All three incumbents who seek re-election drew opponents. Mrs. Emma Long, a council veteran, is among the candidates. B. T. Bonner, a Negro, is opposing Mayor Lester Palmer. V In a memorial editorial to Franklin Roosevelt, the Houston Chronicle said, “He had boldness .. . he had confidence . . . he had a voice, which he used to proclaim hope’s rebirth . . . He saved the capitalistic system . . .” The editorial was accompanied by a picture of Roosevelt, as though to emphasize the newspaper’s altered editorial stance. V The Zavala Courtly Sentinel carried this item: “The Crystal City lions club is planning to organize a Boy Scout Troop for Anglo-American boys between the ages of 11 and 18.” Martin Garcia, who is organizing Crystal City mexicanos for the political association of Spanishspeaking organizations has reminded the lions that according to the scout code, “A scout is trustworthy, loyal, helpful, friendly, courteous, kind, obedient, cheerful, thrifty, brave, clean, and reverent.” .. . V To alert readers of Texas labor’s newsletter, labor secretary Roy Evans has telegraphed what labor thinks is House Speaker Byron Tunnell’s achilles heel. Alluding to the thought that Tunnell “will not get reeleted from his district, which is predominantly Republican,” Evans said, “If this should happen, and the possibility is quite good, the pledges [to him for speaker in 1965] would be meaningless.” One should not be surprised, therefore, if labor turns up supporting a Republican against Tunnell in Tyler in 1964. V Evans was reporting on a poll of legislators 1 a b o r conducted. Fifty-six answered labor’s questionnaire. To the question, should the speaker use his powers to seek reelection before the end of a regular session? \(as, of course, Tunnell has Asked if a lobby-supported speaker has complete control over the House, 27 said yes, seven said “almost,” and 20 said no. From other answers, Evans concluded that Texas legislators “do not like to be labeled like . political robots” and do pay some attention to party platforms, though, said Evans, not yet enough. top cabinet posts. followipg policies more nearly Republican, than Democratic, and avoiding any criticism of Republicans, past or present–have all come to naught. . . . Republican leaders have launched an attack on everything the administration has clone and failed to do. V When the U.S. House adopted a resolution providing $360,000 for the operations of the House unAmerican activities committee, there were 20 nos, and one of them came from a Texan, Congressman Henry Gonzalez of San Antonio. V Other notes from Austin and Washington: Rep. Bob Johnson, Dallas, attacked Sen. Yarborough on the Texas House floor for remarks at tributed to Yarborough criticizing the legislature for adding states’ rights reservations to the Padre island legis lation. . . . Yarborough has written all Texas legislators urging their approval of the federal constitutional amendment to kill the poll tax. . . . Yarborough has co-sponsored a bill to help provide housing for domestic farm labor. . . . Four Texas congress men were among the 21 who voted against honorary U.S._ citizenship for Winston Churchill on the grounds of the sacredness of such citizenship. They were Foreman, Alger, Rogers, and Burleson. . . After Rep. Charles Wilson, Trinity, criticized Frank Dris kill, a paid staff aide to Cong. John Dowdy of Athens, for registering as a lobbyist in Austin \(Driskill has been trying to get Benton Musselwhite’s county carved out of Dowdy’s disaway from the state capitol. Driskill was goaded into registering by Wilson, who told him to look out if he didn’t. He did, and had to look out even more. . . . Cong. Gonzalez, San Antonio, came close to endorsing the sit-ins, saying, “The biggest development in civil rights is the impatience of young people for improvement.” V The “Holleman affair” that re sulted in assistant secretary of labor