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Bills Ask Lobby Finances Group Pressure Major Target of Proposals Hot Exchange Centers On Gas Pipelines Levy \(Continued from Page ance the opinion of the TMA against the opinion of the AFLCIO and come up with the best workman’s compensation law. Get the Best “Every member of the House is probably on five committees and exercises judgment on the work of 20 or 30 committees. We need committee counsels similar to those found in Washington. I would pay a pretty good salary, but not enough to encourage making the job a career. I’d rather get bright young men midway in their careers, try to give the job the same attraction as a U.S. Supreme Court clerk’s job.” Eckhardt said the counsel system would also pry some of the younger legislators out -of the hands of the lobbyists, to whom they now turn for advice and guidance. “Much of the influence of the lobby is not actually corrupt,” said Eckhardt. “Members aren’t bought out by money so much as by flattery, especially the young men who come up here and want to appear in the swim.” Eckhardt’s viewing the lobby as a legitimate and sometimes necessary source of information contributes to one of the most striking features of the present effortit is that those legislators directly involved in the reform movement show little hatred but considerable tolerance for the lobby. Panic Situation The governor’s attitude toward the lobby is something else. Thwarted so far by the lobby to get even a foothold in the sales tax wrestling match, Gov. Price Daniel has recently made a number of bitter judgments of the lobby, and he has succeeded to some extent in portraying the lobbyists as men whose sole aim is to pervert the welfare of the people. Schwartz of Galveston, who is carrying the lobby reform bill in the upper house, gave this more moderate explanation for the bill’s needs: “The panic always strikes when something important like a tax bill is up for debate. When the lobbyistswhich can be anybody get the notion the tax is going to fall on them, it is just human nature for them to come climbing out of the galleries and out of their hotel rooms and off the golf course. “They come hustling down here all aflutter and try to call the legislators off the floor and convince them one way or another. THE TEXAS OBSERVER Page 2 July 15, 1961 I have no complaints about being called out. I was guilty of it all, when I was in the House. I answered every telephone call; every time someone sent in a note, I’d go out to see them, even if a vote was being taken, because I knew my secretary or my deskmate would vote me. “It’s worse over in the House. The Senate attitude is that a member’s place is on the floor, and the lobby pretty well respects this. But the lobby knows somebody will cover up for you in the House, even during a vote, so they’ll call you out at a critical time. It’s worse in the House because you have the same number of lobbyists but 150 representatives, and there gets to be a real scramble. “I think this lobby control bill may be the answer to only a small part of the lobby problem, but it may help keep the members on the floor, and the legislative process would benefit by that.” Sen. Henry Gonzalez, while not directly associated with the GHQ of this lobby reform movement, has campaigned for more control in the past; he views the present effort with some detachment. Power Back Home “The lobby’s power is not here in the capitol, as many people think. The lobbyist’s main job is back home, where he picks a candidate he feels will go along. The lobbyists are down here mainly to remind legislators of their precampaign promises. “Hull Youngblood made a speech before the National Chamber of Commerce saying the lobby had elected 26 out of 30 legislators from the San. Antonio area, by picking young ambitious lawyers and paying everything for their campaign, everything from hand cards to public relations firms. “Of course, there have been shakedown bills, such as the naturopath bill, which is the strongest reason for lobby control laws. But I feel the lobby is indispensible. I’ve never felt any undue pressure. The secretary of Judge Dyer of Phillips oil used to call up every week and remind us of free buffet at the Austin Hotel. But you just went and ate. Nobody asked anything. Homer Name … Add ress . ….. …… . City … State ……. Send $5 to The Texas Observer, 504 W. 24th St., Austin, Texas catfish dinners ever so often, but nobody discusses business.” Gonzalez laughed. “Probably the lobby looks on the legislator like the world looks on the British journalistwhy bribe him when he does what he does without being bribed?” Rep. Don Kennard, Fort Worth, gave this evolution of the temper behind the present reform movement: “When I stepped into the legislaturethat was 195,3, I was still in the Universitythe attitudes and customs in regard to the lobby had been established for some time. You may be surprised to hear me say it, but the quality of the membership was lower then. There was a good deal more reliance on lobby propaganda. The Legislative Council had just come into being; it didn’t turn out the volume of research it now does. “Also, the legislature didn’t have the various research institutions to turn to. The Texas Research League had just started. I know it is subsidized by business, and for that reason it can’t be wholly independent, but call it what you will, I think it is a good source of information. “Social customs were a lot looser. Some members lived in lobbypaid hotel rooms. I don’t think there’s anybody here now that would do that. “Entertainment supplied by the lobby was more lavish, more grandiosetrips to the lake, hunting trips, hotel suites stocked with liquor and foodand the AFL-CIO had it too; both sides of the lobby offered it, it was the custom. Turning Point “The turning point was the land and insurance scandals. The 1957 lobby control act rode in on the crest of these scandals. The investigation of the insurance scandals’ developed the fact that various members of both houses had had retainers from the lobby. “Lobbyists during that period of investigation thought they were being berated, and they were, but the sudden reversal of feeling toward the lobby had a good influence because it changed the social customspartying fell off, and the legislature turned more to independent agencies for advice. “I think something else that helped change the atmosphere is Daniel’s puritan influence. He helped kill the partying spirit around here because he personally didn’t go for cocktail parties and weekends at the club. And I think the fact that he had been in Washington, where lobbying is vastly different, had turned him away from lobbying tactics as you find them on the state level. In Washington, most of the legislative process is centered in the committee, and it is well staffed. Lobbyists deal more with the staff than with the members. Members of Congress don’t have time to meet lobbyists. “In Washington, you don’t have the steardy barrage of lobbyists trying to buttonhole you and take you to lunch just to be taking you to lunch. Frankly, I think it is bad lobbying and I think a lot of old lobbyists perpettlite the customs.” Texas-U.S.Relations AUSTIN Governor Price Daniel, asked this week how the state’s relations with the ‘Kennedy Administration are proceeding, said there have been no difficulties. “I find ’em very cooperative,” he said. line companies holding leases. Eckhardt angued that practically all the gas produced in Texas is held under longterm contracts. The lobbyists, however, said the bill would, in effect, be a levy on producers. They also challenged its constitutionality. “By legislative fiat,” Britain argued, “he’s trying to change a purchaser into a producer. If he can do that, he can make black people out of white people and we wouldn’t have any more race problem. It’s that simple.” Judge Foster said, “If the real purpose of this bill is to tax the pipelines, it isn’t apparent to me. Over the years, we’ve been engaged in the pleasant occupation of trying to tax the Yankees. It may be a stimulating sort of thing, but it doesn’t pay off.” Under questioning, he admitted that Eckhardt’s bill and the reverence beneficiary tax of two years ago are basically different. Abington said he was defending “the hard-pressed producers of the state. It’s a tax on produc Atheist Bill … the high court’s ruling applied also to his bill, Oliver would not talk about the situation. Chapman, whose torrents of invective against atheists and modern times in the colleges resulted in a walk-out by students from the University of Texas who were listening from the gallery, seemed to agree that the bill is unconstitutional and didn’t really try to get it passed. Agreeing the new court ruling applies to the measure he supported so vehemently, Chapman said, “Truthfully, I’m not surprised. I had some doubts about it in my own mind; I think probAt least they’ve got a lot more basis in law than they did in the Brown case. That Brown case!” In the Brown case, of course, the court declared segregation in public schools unconstitutional. “I never did really push that bill,” Chapman said. “Coming from the part of the country I do, it was good for me to make a few speeches, but I never did try to pass it.” Dungan said earnestly that he was disappointed by the court’s ruling. “It looks like that’uz it,” he said. “It removed any doubt as to the constitutionality of it. It would be rather foolish to introduce it again. “I think they’re wrong. I think the Constitution of this country was based on belief in a Supreme Being. Our money has it printed on itIt’s used in every proclamation an’ all, and oaths are taken on the Bible. “But if we passed it, it would probably be taken to court and cah’d all the way up. I’m very disappointed. That’s been a part of our Constitutions, state and national,” Dungan said. Rep. Bob Mullen of Alice, a Catholic and an opponent of the East Texans’ proposal, said testily: “It’s another action of the Supreme Court that oughta be condemned. We’re getting a resolution up.” R.D. Lion, and that’s our main objection. It seeks to make a producer out of a purchaser.” Rep. Maco Stewart told Abingpendent producer and a member of his Association “and I don’t quite understand what you have to say to us as a producer.” When Stewart asked Abington whether he would prefer the Eckhardt tax or the production tax passed by the Senate, Abington said, “This could be an even greater tax on a permanent basis than suggested under 334.” Stewart asked Abington if he would be willing to take the revenue from the pipelines tax “and set it aside as a refund for the hard-pressed producer?” Abington replied, in an obvious reference to TIPRO, “You don’t see any of them up here asking for help, do you?” Kuykendall, stressing the possible unconstitutionality, warned that the measure “would be good business for the lawyer but bad for the state.” “Looking at the decisions rendered in major Texas cases,” Eckhardt closed, “we’ve taken care to remedy all those previous faults. This bill won’t be knocked off. The opponents said this is a production tax. This is simply buncombe.” W.M. Sen. Willis Bypassed, Blames Beer Lobby AUSTIN The Senate this week bypassed Sen. Doyle Willis of Fort Worth, who was in line for the job, and elected Sen. Preston Smith of Lubbock to the honorary post of president pro tempore. Smith is in his third term, Willis his fourth. An angry Willis later told reporters the “beer lobby” prevented his getting elected. “It looks like you can’t ask a record vote on the Carling bill and advocate a beer tax and be elected president pro tempore. “I’m going to continue to push for a tax on beer if I’m never elected pro tempore,” he said. “This thing has just started.” He said he will try to amend any tax bill that comes to the floor with an additional three cents a bottle tax. Willis was not elected by a vote of 15-11. BOOKSELLERS BOOK FINDERS The Necesssity For Choice by Henry A. Kissinger This book is an attempt to define the major foreign policy and defense issues before America in the 1960’s. It is the author’s conviction that in this revolutionary age, solutions can never be regarded as permanent’that patterns of policy which have served the nation since the end of World War II no longer apply. Author of Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy, Mr. Kissinger is an associate professor of government at Harvard A book for concerned AmericansHarper $5.50 Send your order for ANY book to DEPT. B, Texas Observer, 504 West 24th St., Austin, Texas. Published once a week from Austin, Texas. Delivered postage prepaid $5 per annum. Advertising rates available on request. Extra copies 15c each. Quantity prices available on order. EDITORIAL and BUSINESS OFFICE: 504 West 24th St., Austin, Texas. Phone GReenwood 7-0746. HOUSTON OFFICE: Mrs. R. D. 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