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Father’s Day at the Controversial Polk County Detention Center

Families separated by immigration policy caravan to the privately run East Texas lockup.

Maria Cecilia Ovalle didn’t expect to take care of her two small children alone. Until May, she lived in Houston with her husband Juan Jose Carranza Alvarado and their children, a four-year-old son and two-year-old daughter. But after a scuffle at work, Juan was questioned by police who discovered he didn’t have immigration papers. They arrested him immediately.

Her husband, a steelworker in Texas for more than 10 years, was sent to the Joe Corley Detention Center in Conroe, 40 miles north of Houston. He was the breadwinner of their household and without papers, Ovalle says she’s had a hard time finding a job. She sold things from their home—an Xbox, two TV sets—to pay rent, but she’s not sure how long she can keep it up without work.

Ovalle isn’t sure how long her husband will be locked up. If he’s given an immigration bond to stay in the U.S., she says she’ll find a way to pay it. She doesn’t want to think about what could happen if he is deported.

Being undocumented means that she can’t visit her husband at Joe Corley, so their only communication is an expensive daily phone call. Ovalle’s eyes well up with tears as she tells the Observer that their two children—both U.S. citizens—can’t see their father.

“They’re so young. It really affects them,” she says in Spanish. “They ask me, ‘Where’s daddy? Where’s daddy?’ I tell them he’s working far away.”

Ovalle says that anguish over her family’s separation drew her to the Polk County Adult Detention Center in Livingston on Saturday, joining some 70 other activists for a “Father’s Day Caravan to Close Polk.”

Austin-based nonprofits Grassroots Leadership and Texans United for Families organized the caravan, part of the national Detention Watch Network’s “Expose and Close” campaign, which calls for the immediate closure of 10 U.S. detention centers, including Polk County.

On a bus from Austin Saturday morning, I met more people with stories like Ovalle’s, and other activists, as we rode to Livingston.

Rocio Villalobos sits quietly in a window seat. As a member of Texans United for Families, she coordinates a volunteer visitation program to T. Don Hutto Residential Center, a 512-bed private, for profit detention center in Taylor that imprisoned families until 2009.

Just over 500 women are currently detained in Hutto, which has received scrutiny for violating ICE detention standards. Villalobos says conditions in Polk are similar, if not worse.

She says one thing that differentiates the two is access to contact visits. At Polk, a glass partition separates visitors and detainees. “The act of being detained, the act of being so isolated, and being kept from any kind of social contact or emotional contact with their loved ones, is adding to their distress,” she says.

Her concerns are many: isolation of detainees, lack of access to proper medical and legal services, labor practices within facilities, separating families, and the massively profitable private prison system, which the Observer reported on in May.

A few miles from the facility, some passengers lather themselves in sunscreen and prepare for the next couple hours in the Texas summer heat.

The charter pulls into a driveway where another busload of people from the Houston-based nonprofit LIFT: Liberating Immigrant Families Together are waiting. As I step off the bus, I catch my first look at the large beige structure.

The IAH Secure Adult Detention Facility, as it’s known more officially, is a 1,054-bed prison run by the for-profit Community Education Centers (CEC). U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement pays CEC an average of $56 a day for each bed filled, according to a report by Detention Watch Network and Texans United for Families. Now, 822 beds are filled by men waiting—some up to a year—for their immigration hearings.

The report, based on interviews with 60 detainees, the warden, CEC staff members and two ICE officials last July, details some of the conditions in Polk. Among its long list of offenses: inadequate medical care, solitary confinement, no contact during visits, unhealthy meals and labor exploitation.

Sam Vong, who wrote the report, joined the Polk caravan. Last July he toured the facility with other Texans United for Families members.

“These are cinder-block cells where there are eight men in each very small cell with no privacy,” Vong says. “One man even talked about having to drink from a water foundation directly adjacent to the toilet. It’s very dehumanizing.”

Immigrant rights advocates say they’re worried about what’s happening inside Polk’s walls. But on Father’s Day weekend, this event is focused on what’s happening to families separated by detention.

Yajaira Lopez is standing in the shade, listening to speakers at the vigil. Back in January, more than 10 ICE officials entered her family home and arrested her husband Jayron, threatening to deport him to Guatemala. Yajaira says their young daughters watched as ICE agents took their dad away.

Jayron was imprisoned in the Joe Corley Detention Center until May when he received immunity. Yajaira tells me her 11-year-old daughter Jasmine’s attitude started changing, and both of their daughters’ grades slipped. Yajaira has a pacemaker for her congestive heart failure, and was even hospitalized for two days in February, which she attributes to stress from Jayron’s case.

Yajaira says she and her daughters, all U.S. citizens, were able to see Jayron while he was detained. But it’s not uncommon for detainees to have few visitors.

Matt Gossage is a volunteer for Texans United For Families, and director of the documentary “Hutto: America’s Family Prison.” The problem is multifaceted, he says. One is that undocumented family members can’t visit without a passport or visa, and he says even coming to vigils like this one is a risk. Even then, people might be detained in states far from their family. “It’s not always logical why ICE will send detainees to certain facilities. They have their own reasons but it’s not for the welfare or wellbeing of the detainees and their families,” he says.

Saturday’s protesters want President Obama, ICE, CEC and the men locked beyond the tall fence to hear their call and end immigrant detention.

As Ovalle finishes sharing her story, the crowd chants, “No estas sola, no estas sola.” “You’re not alone.” They say this to offer their support, but it also conveys a hard truth.

“We want to remind people at the facility that we’re here, we care about them, and we’re going to continue to push for it to be closed,” Villalobos says.

Before filing onto the uses and heading back home that afternoon, the crowd erupts into one last chant: “We’ll be back!”

HPD Badges
PHOTO SOURCE: FACEBOOK.COM/HOUSTONPOLICE

On Monday, a grand jury declined to indict the Houston police officer who in September shot and killed Brian Claunch, a mentally ill, wheelchair-bound double amputee, for refusing to drop a pen.

HPD Officer Matthew Marin and his partner had responded to a disturbance call at Healing Hands, a small residential group home in central Houston for men with mental illness. Claunch, 45, suffered from schizophrenia and was agitated because he wanted a soda and cigarettes. Police say he yelled threats at the officers and backed Marin’s partner into a corner while waving something shiny, which turned out to be a ballpoint pen. When Claunch wouldn’t drop the shiny object, Marin killed him with one shot.

The case sparked international outrage. Why didn’t Marin use a Taser? HPD has a nationally-recognized crisis intervention team for handling suspects with mental illness—why wasn’t it there? How did Marin’s partner get cornered by a man with only one arm to propel his wheelchair?

Most important, if Claunch’s death isn’t considered an unjustified use of lethal force by HPD officers, what is?

Statistically, nothing.

Between 2007 and 2012, HPD officers killed citizens in 109 shootings and injured them in 112. Houston police also killed animals in 225 shootings and injured them in 109. The department’s Internal Affairs Division investigated every one of the 555 shootings and found them all justified.

Officers fare almost as well in the criminal justice system. No law enforcement officer in Harris County has been charged in a shooting since 2010, when Sgt. Jeffrey Cotton was acquitted for shooting an unarmed man, Robbie Tolan, in his own front yard.

HPD says Internal Affairs is still investigating whether Claunch’s death was justified. That’s odd because IAD investigations are required to wrap within six months and Claunch died almost nine months ago. Investigations that exceed the time limit void their results and can’t be grounds for any discipline, which is how one of the officers fired for beating 15-year-old unarmed burglary suspect Chad Holley got his job back.

The U.S. Justice Department is investigating six questionable use-of-force cases by HPD officers, including Claunch’s death, Chad Holley’s beating, and the shooting death of Rufino Lara, an unarmed 54-year-old immigrant whom the officer said was ignoring commands in English and Spanish and made a threatening motion. Witnesses say the officer only gave commands in English and that Lara had his hands up and was complying when he was shot.

Critics of new abortion regulations at the Senate hearing.
Jen Reel
Abortion-rights activists turned up in vintage fashion, as a reminder that the Legislature's proposed regulations would be a throwback to 1950s law.

Abortion-rights activists thought it was too good to be true, and it was. Four strict anti-abortion bills that failed to pass in the 83rd Texas Legislature’s regular session that ended in May got new life on Tuesday when Gov. Rick Perry added abortion to the list of issues lawmakers can debate in a 30-day special session.

“We have an obligation to protect unborn children, and to hold those who peddle these abortions to standards that would minimize the death, disease and pain they cause,” Gov. Perry said in a statement on Tuesday. Within hours, an omnibus anti-abortion bill (Senate Bill 5 by Sen. Glenn Hegar) had been filed. A Senate committee held its first hearing on the bill yesterday.

Senate Bill 5 has teeth. It sets out to ban abortion after 20 weeks, making an exception only if the mother’s life is endangered or if the fetus has a “profound and irremediable anomaly.” The definition of an anomaly? One that a physician determines will cause the fetus to die within minutes or hours after birth regardless of medical treatment. Other provisions of SB 5 will require abortion clinics to be located within 30 miles of a hospital to which the abortion doctor has admitting privileges. Telemedicine gets the thumbs down too from a clause that requires patients to have two separate in-person exams with a physician for medical abortions. Finally, and perhaps most devastating, SB 5 requires all abortion facilities meet the minimum standards of ambulatory surgical care centers. Abortion-rights activists claim the requirements are unnecessary and a back-door way to close clinics.

On Thursday afternoon, the Senate Health and Human Services Committee met for almost four hours of public testimony in the over-air conditioned Senate chamber. Forty two people testified before the committee: 20 in favor of the bills and 22 against. Some opponents came dressed in 1950s getup–pillbox hats, white gloves and dainty shoes–to demonstrate that SB5 takes women back in time. The anti-abortion lobby–in power suits and with blow-dried hairdos–didn’t look too far from that era either.

Because the contents of the bills had been recycled from previous drafts in the regular session, the testimonies weren’t surprising.

Senate Health and Human Services Committee chair Jane Nelson (R-Flower Mound)
Jen Reel
Senate Health and Human Services Committee chair Jane Nelson (R-Flower Mound)

Abortion-rights activists noted that fetal anomalies are frequently only detected 20 weeks into pregnancy, and that the painful decision to terminate should be the woman’s decision, not her physician’s. They argued that the surgical center requirements in SB 5 could force all but five clinics of the more than 40 in Texas to close, reducing access to safe legal abortion and driving women toward back-street abortions. Amy Hagstrom Miller, founder of Whole Woman’s Health abortion clinics, told the committee that requiring abortion clinics to become ambulatory care centers would increase their operating costs by roughly $40,000, with no demonstrable improvements in patient safety.

Alternatively, a speaker representing the Texas Catholic Conference of Bishops testified that SB 5 provides commonsense measures to protect women, arguing that the provisions would improve the standards of care. An African-American pastor from Dallas said that abortion is used as genocide in black communities. The chamber heard emotionally wrought stories from women who had refused to terminate pregnancies after hearing that their fetuses, some of whom later died, had congenital abnormalities. Self-described “pro-life” obstetricians told the committee of the countless patients they had seen who’d been harmed during abortion procedures.

The public hearing ended with a request from Elizabeth Graham, the leader of Texas Right to Life, that the committee remove a key exemption from the 20-week abortion ban. Fetuses with congenital abnormalities shouldn’t be aborted, she argued, because that punishes the “preborn” disabled. Committee members looked thoughtful as Chair Jane Nelson gaveled the committee into recess.

The committee meets again on Friday at 11 a.m. Not one abortion-rights activist I spoke to believes that SB 5 won’t pass.

Talking Texan

After these crazy maps showing America’s speech patterns went viral over the past week, it seems like everyone’s talking about accents and dialects. The maps were designed by a grad student in statistics and eventually found their way to the news website Business Insider, where they generated 17 million page views from folks eager to know who exactly says “y’all” and calls soda “pop.”

It’s safe to assume a fair number of those views came from Texas, where pride in our infamous drawl and twang is part of the state’s identity. But is Texas losing its unique ways of speaking? According to an article in the Los Angeles Times, slowly but surely. Researchers at the University of Texas at Austin found that only about a third of the native Texans they interviewed used the distinctive vowel combinations that characterize Texas accents, down from almost 80 percent in the 1980s.

texas_sayings_and_folkloreYou can find some great audio examples of people talking Texan at the mother of all pop linguistics websites, started in 2010 by a hobbyist named Rick Aschmann. Click Texas on the map and you’ll be taken to a treasure trove of video links to famous Texans exercising their native tongue.

Researchers claim the erosion of specifically Texan speech is a result of the ever-broadening influence of pop culture, urbanization, and the influx of new residents from other parts of the country. They note that the decline is most prevalent among younger Texans.

A posible corrective to the disappearance of native speech—the state’s distinctive sayings, if not its accents—is the April publication of Texas Sayings & Folklore (Bright Sky Press), by Mavis Parrott Kelsey, Sr.

Feel free to add your favorite Texasism in the comments.

john cornyn
U.S. Senator for Texas John Cornyn.

The U.S. Senate’s vote Tuesday to debate the bipartisan Gang of Eight’s immigration bill on the Senate floor surprised DREAMers and bill negotiators, who had hoped for at least 60 votes to move the bill forward, but actually received 82 votes. The 15 senators who voted against the bill were Republicans, including Texas’ Ted Cruz, who said the bill would “make the problem of illegal immigration … worse rather than better.” Despite Cruz’s failed attempt to block the legislation, 28 Republicans voted to move forward on the bill, which would provide an eventual and conditional pathway to citizenship for the country’s estimated 11 million undocumented immigrants.

Texas’ other Senator John Cornyn voted to move the bill forward but then offered an amendment, which two bill negotiators referred to as a “poison pill.” Cornyn wants the ability to monitor every mile of the international border and a 90 percent apprehension rate of immigrants trying to cross it illegally. The amendment would bar undocumented immigrants from applying for legal status until after these and other conditions are met. Cornyn and Senate minority leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky say Cornyn’s amendment is essential to securing conservative support in both chambers. But border residents say they’re sick of border fences being built around their homes and the increased surveillance and militarization of their communities, which has only resulted in more migrant deaths along the border.

Still, Cornyn told his fellow senators Tuesday that the Senate’s bill will not survive in the House where there is a Republican majority without his amendment:

“Here’s the bottom line and the reality,” he said on the Senate floor. “Without a border security trigger, immigration reform will be dead on arrival in the House of Representatives. My amendment provides such a trigger, the gang of eight bill does not. … My amendment is essential to moving this legislation forward and to getting an outcome that ultimately will end up on the president’s desk.”

Gang of Eight Democratic leader Sen. Chuck Schumer, D-New York, reportedly told immigration reformers at a Washington, D.C., event that Cornyn is bluffing and that his vote is not crucial to the bill passing. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nevada, called Cornyn’s amendment a “poison pill” meant to kill the legislation because Democrats will not back the “trigger” provision that makes immigrants’ legal status dependent on stringent border security measures. Today, Sen. John McCain, R-Arizona, who is part of the Gang of Eight, echoed Reid’s concerns.

“I am confident we will get a bill passed, and I hope – I sincerely hope – our colleagues in the House will take our lead and pass comprehensive immigration reform this year,” Sen. Robert Menendez, D-New Jersey, said as he wrapped up his introduction of the bill on the Senate floor. “I hope they will join us in realizing the time has come for Comprehensive Immigration Reform. Si, se puede.”

But border security – and the degree to which it needs to be beefed up to stem the flow of migrants traveling north – will be a central topic of debate as the bill moves forward, as will the specifics of the proposed pathway to citizenship. Though the bill currently proposes a long process toward citizenship, some senators have already started raising questions about what kinds of benefits legal immigrants would get, including welfare. A temporary visa program for high-tech and low-skilled workers will also be a component of the bill and will form part of the debate that will continue over the coming weeks.

Senators say they hope to pass a bill before the July 4 recess. But things may not go so smoothly in the Republican-controlled House of Representatives, where Speaker John Boehner, R-Ohio, says a bipartisan group is working on its own version of an immigration bill.

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