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tive action, didn’t like Morales’ brand of political hardball. CROSSING OVER HOPWOOD Outside the statehouse and legal circles, most of the criticism directed toward Morales concerns Hopwood \(see “Undercutting Hopwood,” says he doesn’t himself oppose the use of race in admissions decisions, his statements have suggested to some that he wants to attract support from voters who do oppose it. “Decisions were made that the agency and Morales himself intended to appeal to a different constituency,” speculates Crews. “They did not care about the black people in this state, about the Hispanic people in this state, or the progressive element in the Democratic party….The Hispanic base is always going to be therehe sent a message to crossover voters that he was their guy.” Though critics have gone after Morales’ legal interpretations, it may not be the interpretations so much as the nearly-mute tone Morales has taken in speaking about the issues that incites their anger. As Morales said himself in a 1990 interview, “With regard to…the full range of public policy areas, the attorney general always maintains a vast amount of discretion and authority relative to the decisions that he is going to make, relative to the posture or positions to take.” His legal assessments notwithstanding, Morales might have expressed regret at losing the Hopwood case; he might have acknowledged the real danger that state universities will become far less diverse under the ruling. Instead, in a February op-ed piece, he lashed out at university officials who had voiced such concerns: “Shame on those who would suggest that compliance with the law will lead to ‘re-segregation’ in Texas….Now is not a time for histrionics, recriminations, scapegoating or finger-pointing. Rather it is a time for our leaders to demonstrate to our young Texans how any obstaclehowever difficultcan be confronted and overcome, with quiet determination, steadfast commitment and unrelenting optimism about the imperative of our mission….If our university leaders are truly committed to diversity, then our universities will be diverse.” Dan Morales is not the only one whose response to the Hopwood decision has been equivocal, or whispered, or practically nonexistent. Of the more than 500 students who enter the University of Texas Law School next year, the number of African-Americans will almost certainly be five or less. Educators and minority legislators are of course deeply troubled by this, but the bleaching of the Law School barely seems to have registered in the consciousness of the general public. Perhaps the attorney general has done a little too well in sensing and expressing the state’s majority sentiment. Perhaps, in the end, this is what’s troubling about Morales; his political elusiveness is like the elusiveness of public opinion itself. Even the attorney general’s silences seem to speak for Texasonly too well. Special Correspondent Karen Olsson is an Austin freelance writer. CLASSIFIEDS WORK for single-payer National Health Care. Join GRAY PANTHERS, intergenerational advocates against ageism and for progressive policies promoting social and economic justice. $20 individual, $35 family. 3710 Cedar, Austin, TX TEXAS AIDS NETWORK dedicated to improving HIV/AIDS policy and funding in Texas. Individual membership $25, P.O. Box 2395, Austin, TX REVOLTED BY EXECUTIONS? Join the Amnesty International Campaign Against the Death Penalty. WORK FOR OPEN, responsible government in Texas. Join Common Cause/Texas, 1615 Guadalupe, #204, http://www.ccsi.com/-comcause. TEXAS TENANTS’ UNION. Membership $10/six months, $18/year, $30 or more/sponsor. 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