mittee hearing room come tumbling down literally. Pool 0 rA n 1 beside the Gulf of Mexico 01 1,. On Mustang’ Island 11P Available for private parties 111 ,. 0 111% 0 4 Unique European Charm 0 & Atmosphere 0 j Special Low Spring & Summer Rates rt Pets Welcome 01,11010′ Port Aransas, TX 78373 ‘$ call for Reservations o f ………. oeS,* 4011,11.11% %vo Sea 0 0 Horse Inn 4, 4, t v t K’ i TV j Eddie Bernice Johnson’s office said the Dallas Democrat had bigger things to worry about than Congressional reform. Although it is understandable that items like imminent military base closures take precedence over matters of Congressional procedure, the past suggests that sometimes the key to having newly elected voices heard in Congress has been working for reform. The clearest example of this was the post-Watergate class of 1974. The accomplishments of the 1974 class are part of Capitol Hill lore. The Watergate scandal provided newly elected lawmakers with their marching orders to redefine the way things work in Washington. Most importantly, the new members that year attracted veterans to their ranks. A group of incumbents, tired of having to go along to get along, had a ready-made plan to redistribute power. All they needed were the votes. The 75 freshmen provided them the majority that enabled them to enact their plan. One of the primary items on the reform agenda was the reworking of the internal power structure of Congress. Those new members also did the unthinkable: They voted out some of the most powerful committee chairmen. While those mea sures may have done little to impress the public, they were highly effective in redefining power in Congress. The proliferation of subcommittees meant that Congress was no longer a feudal landscape with a few pockets of power. More subcommittees also meant that new members no longer had to wait for years for a forum; new voices would be heard. Chairmen of full committees were still Congressional royalty, but they had been taught that freshmen could no longer be sacrificed like pawns in the early round of a chess match. But the freshman class of 1992 is no class of 1974. By defining reform with issues such as the House bank and the House post office, the new class has little strength beyond its numbers. The class of 1992 has adopted the ordinary concerns of freshman lawmakers rather than following in the footsteps of mavericks. There are still some optimists such as Ross Perot. When Perot spoke to the Joint Committee on the Organization of Congress, he told the members when they “complete this task of reform” that they “will be covered in scars and bruises.” The only way that will happen is if the walls of the corn CLASSIFIEDS ORGANIZATIONS WORK for single-payer National Health Care. 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