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This publication is available in microform from UMI. UMI 1:111 11-1.411.. `”R Wit EN. 411t. 800-521-0600 toll-free 313-761-4700 collect from Alaska and Michigan 800-343-5299 toll-free from Canada While some people stress the importance of Iraq as a trading partner, others view the U.S. food programs to Iraq in political terms and as yet another attempt like the attempts to trade weapons for hostages in Irangate by the White House to trade with a politically unpopular foreign state without justifying it to Congress or the public. For instance, David MacMicheal of the Association of National Security Alumni noted that the administration probably used the CCC as “a back door way of, giving foreign aid that way you didn’t have to go to Congress.” The BNL controversy, along with other questions being raised about the Bush Administration’s pandering to Iraq prior to the invasion of Kuwait, represents a significant danger to the Republicans as November approaches. While administration officials who publicly have testified on BNL carefully denied that the promotion of trade had anything to do with political forces, that is not quite what these officials end up saying in their private correspondence. Gonzalez unveiled a letter that Deputy Secretary of State Lawrence Eagleberger sent to William Draper, then chairman of the U.S. American exporters against the risk of nonpayment for about one year. “From the political standpoint, Exim financing would show U.S. interest in the Iraqi economy in a practical, neutral context. This evidence of our interest in increasing commercial relations will also bring political benefits,” the letter said. More recently, the administration appar ently believing that export of butter to Iraq is politically more palatable than the export of guns has begun to acknowledge the politics behind the CCC. In a recent press conference President Bush said, “We tried, not through strengthening his nuclear or biological or chemical weapons, as has been alleged, not by giving him part of Kuwait, as has been alleged, but we tried to work with him on grain credits and things of this nature to avoid aggressive action. And it failed. It failed.” Finally, trade with Iraq in the late 1980s is suspected to have included military technologies. According to congressional testimony, the export laws were slack enough that Iraq was able to acquire more than just manufacturing know-how from the Unitd States. Iraq also acquired tools to build up its arms base. Gonzalez, during one of his floor speeches that are only now gaining national media attention, said, “It is debatable whether or not these companies knew the ultimate destination of their products. Some probably did; some probably did not. These companies were often lured into supplying Iraq by higher-than-normal profits or even bribes.” Although government officials deny that they were aware that some of the funds going to Iraq were paying for arms, there is some disquieting evidence to the contrary. For example, according to Gonzalez, the Commerce Department approved many projects even though the end user was expressly identified as the Iraqi military. “The Iraqi organization responsible for Project 395 and the Scud modification projects is called the Technical Corps for Special approved numerous export licenses for U.S. and foreign firms even though TECO was listed as the end-user,” the congressman said. This is the type of evidence that Gonzalez has unveiled to counter the claims by the President that the U.S. in no way contributed to the Iraq military buildup. The investigation continues, and some of it is expected to involve Texans. As for Robert Abboud, he already has left the state. Just a few days before he testified before Congress; he unexpectedly was replaced as the head of First City. The press release announcing the changing of the guard did not cite any reasons for the change. First City’s earnings were tarnished enough to give cause for new leadership. Perhaps Abboud would have done better to haNie heeded his own advice that he gave to Hussein about getting back to the basics of economics and finance. While no one can criticize the financial aspect of First City’s $50 million in loans to Iraq the CCC is making good on 98 percent of it sometimes the bottom line is not found in the statistics. CLASSIFIEDS ORGANIZATIONS Box 5652-C, Kent, WA 98064 \(Details: SERVICES LAYMEN & LEGAL PROFESSIONALS interested in forming a citizens grou’p to promote fundamental reform of our archaic, chaotic and corrupt JUDICIAL SYSTEM, write: G. D. McLendon, 110 Kickapoo St., Jacksonville, Texas 75766. LESBIAN/GAY DEMOCRATS of Texas Our Voice in the Party. Membership $15, P.O. 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