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decent values can be seen as well in the positions Williams attacks her for. In her stump speech, she says, “I’ve never made A political promise I haven’t kept.” The fact that she has not promised to veto a state income tax is one of the many rather wellhidden proofs of her underlying quality as a public official. The worst thing about Richards as governor, in my opinion, would be her predictable support from the governor’s mansion of Lloyd Bentsen’s next campaign for President, which his “close advisers” says he is considering nomination would be a calamity for the Democratic Party I believe it might and should lead to one of those rare historical realignments of the parties, with a third one replacing the Democrats. For me, however, this consideration was overridden in the primary by problems I had about the more progressive alternative candidate. It is a question how much likelier Bentsen would be to be nominated because his state’s governor would be leading the delegation for him. If the Republican or an independent candidate for governor had offered voters at least a reasonably moderate alternative to Richards in November, I would have been motivated to favor that alternative chiefly because of this Bentsen factor. Williams is no such alternative. What might Richards honorably do, these last weeks, to win? I would make these few suggestions. The latest poll shows that among those voters for whom abortion is the most important issue, Williams lead 54-27 percent. This may suggest a failure of the Richards campaign to take sufficient advantage of the underlying two-to-one majority in public opinion for abortion rights. Perhaps she should go to the side of the Catholic physician and the Catholic director of an abortion clinic, who have been excommunicated in Corpus Christi. Our new colleague at the Observer, Brett Campbell, believes that Richards is trailing because her campaign so far has failed to make the issues visual \(that is, visualizable, make his income tax records public is an outrage which the Richards campaign made very visual, taking him up on his claim that it would require a Mack truck to deliver the records by driving a Mack truck up to his headquarters to get them. That same truck should be driven to his campaign headquarters every third day or so with a new sign plastered on its side. To start: “Williams, what are you hiding from us in your tax returns?” As a businessman, Williams has often been sued, with serious charges made against his enterprises. The cases have always been settled under agreements that locked away the terms of the settlements, keeping them secret from the public he is now asking to elect him governor. On different days, the Richards campaign should demand that Williams tell the people the exact and complete terms of each settlement of each differ ent lawsuit against his companies. If he complies, the public has more information; if he refuses, he is kept on the defensive. On September 3, after Williams had gone all the way against any additional gun regulation “whatsoever,” the Texas Poll showed that 82 percent of Texans more than eight out of ten favor awaiting period of seven days before a handgun can be bought. Almost 70 percent favor a ban on the sale of fast-firing assault rifles and failing that, nine out of ten Texans want a waiting period before assault rifles can be bought. Using the awful statistics on murders and robberies with firearms, Richards should accuse Williams of preferring his fake macho posturing for campaign advantage to these moderate gun-controlling steps which would increase the security of Texans against violence with guns. In Ann Richards’s “New Texas,” where are the homeless going to sleep? I would not try, again, and this late, to convince her that she should be running a visionary progressive campaign. But her candidacy badly needs something that is not more of the negative a positive boost, a hoisting up to a new level. I suggest she propose, when she is elected governor, to organize, through the governor’s office, community house-raising groups, and promise to invite former President Carter into Texas to show us how it’s done. Maybe, in the New Texas, we can find again the sense of community, of building not only for ourselves but also for each other together, that we had in the Old. R.D. POLITICAL INTELLIGENCE HARRIS COUNTY Commissioner’s Court must be betting on Clayton Williams to win in November. Not much else explains their flirting with the idea of hiring lameduck Governor Bill Clements’s former chief of staff, Mike Toomey, as their lobbyist in Austin. As a Harris County state representative, Toomey fought against the last major tax bill, which was passed and then signed by Clements during the 70th Legislature. A 40year-old lawyer’, who graduated from South Texas Law School in Houston, Toomey also deserves much of the credit for the Governor’s refusal to negotiate with legislators on education finance, even after four special sessions failed to produce a bill acceptable to both branches. Negotiations did not begin to move until Toomey was muscled aside by Secretary of State George Bayoud. Toomey’s replacement on the Governor’s staff is Rider Scott, formerly Clements’s general counsel. Toomey, who capital gossip has had signing on with several big law firms, will earn $71,300 a year if the court votes to hire him, according to the Houston Chronicle. AS THE ELECTION grows closer and job hunting becomes more intense, it’s hard to tell which appointed official holds what position. Assistant Attorney General Kevin O’Hanlon, who ably and abrasively represented the state in the Edgewood v. Kirby lawsuit, has officially become a staff attorney with the Texas Education Agency. O’Hanlon, a favorite of the press because he was so available and forthright during the school-finance litigation and special sessions, is replaced on the case by Assistant Attorney General Toni Hunter, who represented the state in the Opal Petty case. Petty, a mildly retarded woman, was held in a state institution for 51 years without being properly reevaluated, according to the decision of former Travis County District Judge Harley Clark. BOB BULLOCK is lying again, according to a radio spot aired by Republican lieutenant governor candidate Rob Mosbacher Jr. The ad takes a swipe at Bullock, the Democratic candidate for lieutenant governor, for his claim that Mosbacher Jr. owns a barge company that is polluting the Gulf of Mexico. “What Bullock doesn’t tell you,” the announcer intones, “is that Rob Mosbacher only owns two-and-one half percent of the company.” The rest of the company, they contend \(as the listener be by men like Secretary of State James Baker and President George Bush. Finally, late in the ad, they get to their point: “George Bush is no polluter.” Yet all but the careful listener will assume that Mosbacher is dragging the President and Secretary of State into the oil slick. THE HUGH Parmer campaign released portions of the transcript of a radio interview conducted by Austin radio station KLBJ with Mary Fricker, co-author of Inside Job: the Looting of America’s Savings and Loans. During the interview, a Gramm radio commercial aired. Afterward, according to Parmer’s release, Fricker said, on the air: “I wouldn’t vote for Phil Gramm. Absolutely not. [H]e was responsible for what the Senate finally published in that regard, which … prolonged this problem for us and increased the cost [of the bailout] a great deal, and I would definitely not re-elect Mr. Gramm.” As the Parmer campaign moves into its final month, more attempts can be expected to associate Gramm with the S&L disaster. GRAMM SPOKESMAN Larry Neal, meanwhile, was taken to task in the THE TEXAS OBSERVER 9