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it’s the governments that represent the established disorder that make revolutions. The revolutionaries come along to lead what the government has created. We’ll never defeat a revolution. Our foreign policy makes more communists than the Soviets ever could. The Soviets create more anticommunists than we ever could. Of course the Nicaraguans have supplies from the U.S.S.R. When we wouldn’t give them parts for their John Deere machinery, where else could they go? It’s like Miguel d’Escoto [Nicaraguan Foreign Minister Rev. Miguel d’Escoto Brockman] says: Tor a small country to stay independent, it has to diversify its dependence.’ The contras [anti-government forces] there are real bad news. I’ve been down there twice. They rape, torture, and pillage. They [the news media] never tell you about that. If communist countries are big, we trade with them. If they’re small, we don’t. Right now the Cubans are guarding Gulf Oil in Angola.” It is Coffin’s contention that the American public is not exercising its sovereignty over the actions of its elected servants. This was made especially apparent following the shooting down of the Korean Air Lines jet. “That was so shocking,” Coffin said, “that this country could so easily fall in line like subjects rather than citizens. In religious circles we call it [Reagan’s manipulation of public opinion without regard for the facts] bearing false witness. The press was less interested in the facts than in embracing Reagan’s version. A bath of self-righteousness that I haven’t seen in a long time. Then, when about a month later the New York Times reported that the intelligence community has enough evidence to show the U.S.S.R. had not ordered the attack [from on high].. . Larry Speakes [Reagan’s press secretary] would not comment. Andropov showed he was not a good crisis manager. He could have admitted it happened and joined in the world grief. What it demonstrated is what I fear: this country may need an enemy to tell us who we are. There is so little sense of purpose or direction. “We wish for peace, but we don’t will it. Demonstrations should be ten times larger. Congress should be receiving ten times as many letters. The business community is not doing anything. We have to analyze what fuels the arms race. That’s the stage we’re in. But everybody has a basic obligation to demonstrate, to give money every week to organizations fighting the arms race, to send a letter every two weeks. Universities have to teach it. It should be at the top of every church agenda. What we want is a mass movement. It is more important to have a mass movement than civil disobedience. Civil disobedience must serve the purpose of a mass movement or it’s self-indulgent . . . it soothes the soul. In the long run, it’s important. In 100 years the Berrigan brothers will be folk heroes, and they’ll be singing songs about them like they do about the James Gang: ‘Late one night the Berrigan boys poured blood. . . .’ But I question the effectiveness of civil disobedience in the short run. Of course, if there wasn’t to be a mass movement, then there would have to be civil disobedience. “There are a few things it would take to get a mass movement right away: 1. A small disaster a crisis is never a crisis if not validated by a disaster. 2. A draft. The campuses would be mobilized. 3. If Reagan sends more troops, unless, of course, the buildup is so small and incremental that no one catches it in time. That’s the dangerous similarity to Vietnam. The U.S. public is so conscious of Vietnam; they don’t want Marines dying in foreign lands for reasons they don’t understand. All we need is a little more money, raising the stakes gradually until we’re deeply involved. In Honduras now they have a command station in place. They’ve lengthened the airstrip. They have supplies. They could always dress up the contras and stage a massacre in Honduras.” Does Congress offer an adequate counterbalance to the policies of Reagan? Rev. Coffin thinks most Congressional representatives like to hug the middle of the road. “The middle is voting for the nuclear freeze one day and for nerve gas the next,” said Coffin. “This middle has to be moved over so it is voting for the freeze and against nerve gas and against the MX missile. You have to have everything.” G. R. In the Costly Wake of Hurricane Alicia Private Leisure at Public Expense By A. R. “Babe” Schwartz Houston y OU DON’T NEED to be a coastal property owner to worry about coastal insurance any more. A well-kept public secret is out. Texas taxpayers may have to pick up the tab for $25 million to $100 million of the insurance loss in the windstorm catastrophe insurance pool. This is money which provides the coverage for Babe Schwartz served in the Texas House of Representatives four years and the Texas Senate two decades. He is now a state lobbyist headquartered in Houston. a substantial portion of the Gulf Coast windstorm insurance on homes, condos, apartments and businesses. Fifty percent of the total pool coverage is in Galveston County. If confession were really good for the soul, I’d feel better but I don’t. After Carla in 1961, I was motivated to author the so-called Cat Pool and was later persuaded to author its 1979 Tax Credit Amendment. I also authored the State Flood Insurance enabling legislation after lobbying for the Federal Flood Insurance program in Washington. I believed it was needed to protect the thousands of homeowners and persons with legitimate business interests who suddenly found themselves unable to obtain insurance through their usual sources. Galveston County insurance agents after Carla were without companies who would voluntarily re-write the risks which suffered damage in Carla. When it was conclusively established that the insurance companies were simply not going to voluntarily write the windstorm risk in Galveston and adjacent counties and having determined that the local agents would support legislation to obtain coverage for their customers’ risk, I introduced legislation to create a Cat Pool. It required all insurance companies doing business in Texas to share in that risk on a formula 4 NOVEMBER 11, 1983