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dell fell short of winning. Upon seeing this, and realizing that a vote for Caddell would throw Can and Patman into a bitter runoff and after speaking briefly with Caddell who happened to be standing close by Wiley went back to revert to his original vote, giving Carr one up on Patman and bumping the latter off the slate. That set the stage for the first floor fight of the convention. Patman, also a current DNC member but who has never served a full term on the committee, decided her only way to get onto the DNC at that point was to challenge the report of the nominating committee. To her credit, she chose not to make Can the point of contention. Had Patman challenged Carr and succeeded, the effect on the chances for liberal, even party unity in the forseeable future might have been disastrous, particularly any accord between Houston, Corpus Christi and San Antonio leaders. Can’s position was shaky enough as it was, having won by only a single vote. “Knocking her off could have blown the convention wide open,” said a Kennedy floor-leader from San Antonio. Patman, a staunch party loyalist known variously as “The Dragon Lady” and “The First Lady” of the Texas Democratic Party, went after a different target, Millie Bruner, a Carter organizer from Dallas. On a floor vote, Patman lost to Bruner by about 700 votes out of 3,800. * * * Meanwhile, a second challenge was in the works over a DNC seat for Dr. Jesse Jones, Dallas County Democratic Party Secretary. Jones, a black, easily turned back the challenge of Doug Seal, a farmer from North Texas. But the real fight for Jones’ seat had come earlier as the Coalition of Black Democrats worked vociferously to make Jones the second black on the DNC. The other black is U.S. Rep. Mickey Leland, D-Houston, who, with Houston City Councilman Anthony Hall had convinced the 400-member black caucus to close ranks and bargain hard for the newly-created eighth DNC seat. \(Until this year, Texas had been apportioned only seven seats on the national commitits plan with a tightly knit communications network on the convention floor, and tremendous solidarity in the ranks. At one point the caucus was hastily called off the floor, and as a last resort discussed walking away from the convention if the nomination of Jones was stymied by a roll-call challenge. In addition to the election of Carr, Jones and Leland, the DNC seats were filled by Juan Maldonado of San Juan and Sylvia Rodriguez of San Antonio, both of them recommended by the Mexican-American Democrats, Sue Pate of Bridge City, a teacher and State Executive Committee member, and Eddie Ball of Houston, a labor-backed candidate from the United Steelworkers Union. State Democratic Party chairman Billy Goldberg lost his bid for re-election to a DNC slot. Resolutions Resolutions produced their usual share of squabbling, although without the real sense of great issues that has marked other Democratic gatherings. The resolutions committee reported out more than 50 items, and about 30 were heard on the floor, with varying results. Among the most surprising approvals was for a resolution requesting “a ban on the transportation and storage” of nuclear waste in Texas. Also endorsed were resolutions in support of collective bargaining rights for teachers and statewide teacher insurance, free education for children of illegal aliens, 90 percent parity guaranteed for farmers, the establishment of a commission on lowand middle-income participation in party affairs, legalization of bingo, a federal investigation of the shooting of Vernon Jordan, retention of six-day postal service, passage of the Eckhardt amendment to the Rail Act and a ban on the short-handled hoe in agriculture. A resolution forwarded by supporters of state Rep. John Bryant, D-Dallas, pledging the Democratic Party’s opposition toward any candidate for speaker of the House who consorts with Republicans, passed with overwhelming approval and a round of cheers. The resolution was aimed directly at Rep. Gib Lewis, D-Fort Worth, Bryant’s opponent in the speaker’s race [Ohs., June 6]. Lewis has sought and received the support of over 20 Republican House members in his bid for the speaker’s chair. Beyond that, Lewis is suspected of having made deals with GOP candidates, with the blessings of Gov. William Clements, Jr., and is openly endorsing Republicans in races against Democrats. Dr. George Green, a UT-Arlington professor from Fort Worth, announced the measure by saying, “I’m from Tarrant County, the county that gives you Gib Lewis, and it’s with a sense of apology that I offer this resolution.” Lewis wasn’t present for most of the convention. When he finally arrived, late on the closing day, he stayed outside the main hall. He had spent the previous evening being toasted by Republican legislators at a reception held in Lewis’ honor as part of the GOP’s state convention going on simultaneously in Houston. He shrugged off the resolution. “Hell, I could vote for that myself. I’m not becoming involved in anyone’s race, one way or the other, and Clements isn’t helping me, either. But I don’t think the state Democratic Party has any business getting involved in the speaker’s race.” Bryant aides had talked about the possibility of getting an outright endorsement from the Democrats, but it wasn’t brought up as they opted for the slighter version of an anti-Lewis calling card. One of convention’s more raucous fights erupted over gay and lesbian rights. Two resolutions on the subject were presented, one calling for the repeal of section 21.06 of the Texas Penal Code, which makes it an offense for persons of the same sex to have sexual relations, the other a more general call for protection of civil rights for persons regardless of their sexual preference. Rep. Leland, whose influence on the convention was considerable throughout he was moving among the leadership and the delegations, speaking out on a range of issues spoke in favor of the nondiscrimination resolution. He said he was standing on “behalf of people who feel fair, who feel just, who are of good will. Not because it is controversial. Because it is right that people should have the right to privacy.” He said, “I think that the voice of the minority should be heard. It is the essence of democratic principles that justice be done though the heavens may fall.” Opposition forces argued that if the party were to endorse gay rights it would alienate much of the American public and would suffer for it in the fall election. The nondiscrimination resolution was defeated in a standing vote. The other resolution, to repeal the penal code provision, dragged into a roll-call vote. The votes were read aloud by the chairman of each senatorial district. When the call went to the 21st District, the answer came back: “141 against the resolution, 20 in favor . . . and I don’t quite know how to say this . . . we’ve got two that’ll go either way.” The measure failed to carry. In the closing hours, the convention soundly rejected, first by voice vote and then by standing vote, a proposal for an “open convention” in New York City which would have released delegates from their signed loyalty pledges and allowed them to vote for whomever they wished on first ballot. Kennedy is pushing the measure in his nationwide campaign. It appears to be his last, fading chance at wrestling the necessary number of delegates and the half-hearted nomination of his party away from Carter. 8 JULY 4, 1980