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Gary Cartwright an the Grapes at Wrath., Yexas Siyie w the State% Most Ex perastve Restaurant Went &oh A Hard Day% Night frisole Texas’ Grand alms 4,31. MOM WE UT Mother% Day Greetirrp From Ptedehee And Larry Wiettiottrik A Portfahe of &toot Texans and then’ Pfittichev;, And. of amine, the %lest Ale Pie in Texas, The folks at Texas Monthly went all the way for Mother’s Day this year, devoting the cover and many of the inside pages of their May issue to the traditional observance. An apparent focus of the Monthly’s tribute is apple pie in fact, “The Best Apple Pie in Texas” is proclaimed on the cover adjacent to a photo of Everyone’s Rural Granny holding out a three-pound slice of the maternal pastry. Inside, a two-page layout celebrates an extraordinarily photogenic apple pie. And sure enough, the wrap-around copy informs that this is the “best apple pie in Texas.” It was baked by Nettie Daniels, “one of the last culinary patriots” and a cook at the Town House Restaurant in Athens for many years. Well, back to the cover we flip to pay tribute to Grandmother Daniels. Whereupon we learn, from an April 27 item on the front page of the Athens Daily Review, that this bespectacled lady is not Nettie Daniels. The only resemblance between the two ladies is their spectacles. The real Nettie Daniels is black and appears above. Not that the folks at the Monthly didn’t have any photos of Nettie on hand. The photographer who shot the pie took a number of pictures of Nettie as well, leading her to advise friends that she would appear soon in Texas Monthly. “Well,” she said on fmding only her pie in the magazine, “I guess we’ll have to tell them . it’s not my picture.” “There are differences . . . but most recognize that there is sufficient common ground in the party for everyone to come together.” Hutchinson said he stayed away from the conference because it was his policy to attend only officially designated Republican Party functions. Reaganite Ray Barnhart, a former Republican legislator who opposed Hutchinson for the party’s chairmanship in 1976, said pretty much the same thing, urging those attending the conference to \\build the Texas GOP on the basis of common goals rather than on the personalities of factional leaders. Both men say that the party must disassociate itself from big business to attract the support of young voters and independents. A head start Last year, Dallas Mayor Robert Folsom spent $379,951 in the spe cial election in which he won his job. This year, he reported only $15,914 in routine campaign expenses and refunded $95,333 to his contributors, leaving himself with a kitty of ‘about $20,000 for late bills and a head start on the 1979 race. Austin voters, in a 35 percent turnout on April 30, elected a new mayor, Carole McClellan, and three new council members, Lee Cooke, Ron Mullen and Richard Goodman. Money played a key role in the campaign. All of the winners, save Goodman, received heavy financial support from developers and other business interests. The biggest spender was the new mayor. Latest figures show that her narrow victory over real estate lawyer Jack McCreary cost $63,000. McCreary spent $57,000. Cooke and Mullen rolled over incumbents Margret Hofmann and Emma Lou Linn respectively, outspending them by wide margins. Hofmann, who put a $100 ceiling on individual campaign contributions, raised only $7,000. Cooke, a Texas Instruments executive, spent $40,000. But it was St. Edward’s University psychology professor Linn whom business interests most clearly targeted for defeat. The Austin Civic Affairs Commitsociation’s Political Action Committee, and the Austin Goals Committee \(apart$49,000 insurance man Mullen spent on his campaign. Linn spent $12,000. Only Goodman, a former TV newsman, was able to fmish ahead of a better-financed opponent: he spent $20,000 on skillful TV and radio spots to defeat Robb Southerland, whose losing campaign cost $49,000. The new council will probably see Johnny Trevino, Jimmy Snell and Richard Goodman on the left of many issues, with Betty Himmelblau, Cooke and Mullen on the right. Mayor McClellan will be hold the swing vote if this configuration holds true. The small-print boys has pushed through a bill that all but denies the State Insurance Board a say over the content of health insurance policies. Under SB 898, the board would no longer be empowered to set minimum benefit levels for hospital expenses, surgery, wage loss, disability income, or for specific diseases and accidents. The Parker bill would also strip the board of its power to require that insurance companies meet agreed-on definitions for such abstruse terms as “hospital.” Insurance board chairman Joe Christie says that sick people have gone to places they took to be “hospitals,” received treatment, and then found that the health institutions did not live up to rigid specifications set by their insurance policies and were then denied benefits. Christie said further that the Parker legislaton “will put the small-print boys back in business.” He hopes to see the bill junked in the House where Rep. Bill panion legislation.. Last year, Texas’ ten biggest elec tric companies spent some $3.8 million in advertising. According to the Public Utilities Commission, every cent of that live-better-electrically message was paid for by the companies’ 3,862,348 customers. According to Austin-based economist and consultant Jack Hopper, the state’s gas companies in 1976 spent about $5 million and Southwestern Bell Telephone Co. some $4 million boosting their monopolistic services. With few exceptions, the cost of all promotion translated into higher rates for consumers. The PUC currently allows a utility to spend three-tenths of 1 percent of its income on advertising and then pass the bill onto its customers. May 20, 1977 13