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8 stamp a dver t is e men t THE TEXAS NEW PARTY Urges you to vote for SISSY FAR ENTHOLD on June 3. But just in case: SIGN THE PETITION ON THE NEXT PAGE TO HELP US GET ON THE NOVEMBER BALLOT. If history is any guide, almost all progressive candidates in Texas are defeated in the primary or runoff. You are likely to go to the polls in November with the alternative of Humphrey-Jackson versus Nixon-Agnew, Briscoe-Connally versus Either -Or, Sanders versus Tower. WE CAN BE YOUR POLITICAL INSURANCE. A CHOICE FOR A CHANGE. WE NEED YOUR HELP TO GET ON THE BALLOT The Texas Election Code is a very restrictive set of laws designed by the “Ins” to keep the “Outs” out. It is particularly difficult under the code for a minor party or NEW PARTY to even be listed on the ballot. fold here 4, We believe the law to be so unconstitutionally restrictive \(in fact a similar law in are challenging it in Federal Court. Our lawyers tell us, however, that we may still need some petitions even if we win the case. We have decided therefore to have two petitions: the reasonable petition which will be legal when we win our lawsuit, and the restrictive legal petition. Anyone who is a registered voter may sign the reasonable petition at the top of the following page. The provisions of the Code are as follows: We must gather signatures on petitions from voted in the primary or attended a convention of another political party. We must sheet must be certified and notarized. In addition, the voters’ registration number under these provisions, it is the petition at the bottom of the following page. The signing of either petition does not obligate you in any way, nor does it restrict your future political activity. Nor does it necessarily imply endorsement for the TEXAS NEW PARTY. Your signature simply means that you believe a valid political party has a right to run candidates in the election. 0 fold here From: TEXAS NEW PARTY P. 0. BOX 22833 HOUSTON, TEXAS 77027 staple or tape here 1 know how hard it’s been. When I was lieutenant governor, I tried to help Connally. Sometimes I didn’t agree with what he wanted and I’d say so, but I always said, it’s the governor’s program, let’s go with it. I have gotten no cooperation from Barnes. You know that. I really just don’t understand it.” There were times on the old campaign plane when it was fun to be around Smith. One day as the plane jounced along between Sulphur Springs and Texarkana, Smith took to reading over some election statistics from ’68. “Lookahere, I trounced that Eugene Locke in this county. Five to one.” Suddenly Smith threw back his head and launched, quite melodiously, into , “Yew-gene Locke should be gov-er-nor of Texas . . .” IF IT HADN’T been for Preston Smith, his last campaign would have been a sad one. There is a smell, a feel about losing political campaigns that is depressingly poignant: the gay banners, the brave talk, the thin crowds. Some form of invisible, but actual buzzard circles overhead, waiting. But Smith’s campaign was almost jolly. True, the crowds were thin, but they were loyal. And Smith’s incredible optimism overcame even reality until the votes were counted. The power of positive thinking is infectious: no political reporter who travelled Smith was ready to write him off completely. They all went away, shaking their heads and quoting the polls and then adding, “But Preston could surprise us. Preston always surprises us.” Publicly, he said he’d win without a run-off. Privately, he said it would be a run-off; first with Barnes, later with Briscoe. He really believed that for a long time. But they said he knew on election night before the votes started to come in. They said the only thing that upset him was losing Lubbock. His wind-up campaign rally was in Austin. You know who gave him the big intro? Elmer Baum. And after Baum got through, Smith thanked him and went on about how Elmer was his good friend and had always been so loyal and true and helpful through the years. If Smith were a sharp pol, you would have gasped at the gall of it. But he isn’t, so it was touching. Do you think that if some friend of Ben Barnes’ had gotten him into a mess like the one Baum got Smith into, Barnes would have ever spoken to the guy again? Even been seen with him anywhere, much less stand up and thank him? Funny, that issue, the issue, Sharpstown, disappeared toward the end of the campaign. Oh, the press asked him about it. The press always asked him about it. But his people didn’t. When he announced this year, he said he would make it a major issue in his race and he talked about it all the time, almost compulsively. When the Sharpstown scandal broke last May 26, 1972 9