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there are “at least five more” who-might join the tax rebellion. Barnes, who probably will be mainly responsible for cajoling the Senate into accepting some sort of tax package that also will be acceptable to the House, has yet to say where he stands on the tax question. “I’m not ready to say if any tax is definitely in or out,” he commented recently. Although he and Governor Smith have had their differences in the past, they seem to be working together to some extent this session. “You can describe me as in a very cooperative frame of mind toward the governor. I will do everything I can to give the governor’s program a fair run in the Senate,” he says. WHILE THE HOUSE and Senate are far from agreeing on a tax program, they are well on their way to passing a compromise appropriations bill. The Senate managed to outmaneuver the House by getting its bill, rather than the House bill, sent to a conference committee of five Senators and five House members. The House conferees were given no instructions by their colleagues, but the Senate conferees are bound to adjusting the differences between bills. They must get the approval of a majority of the Senate before adding or subtracting anything from the Senate bill; so each time House members or Senators add a rider to the bill or try to change the amount of the appropriation for a particular agency, the Senate conferees will have to get the approval of the Senate. Although the House bill contains fewer controversial riders than did the bill.passed earlier in the year, it still has some startling stipulations. Probably the most questionable rider in the House bill requires teachers at the state’s four major universities \(the University of Texas, University of Houston, Texas A&M, and Texas State classes weekly to receive full pay. Rep. Carlos Truan of Corpus Christi asked whether the number of hours a professor teaches isn’t something a college administrator should decide. Rep. Jim Slider, Pecos, a member of the appropria tions committee, explained, “From time to time, these people need legislative guidance.” He said four schools were singled out because “they’re the ones who need it.” Other House members went to the back microphone in the House chamber to ask questions about the 12-hour specification, but no one offered an amendment to take it out of the bill. Nor did anyone attempt to remove a rider limiting out-ofstate enrollment at Texas medical, dental, and law schools to 10%. The amendments probably would not have passed anyway. Rep. Bill Heatly, of Paducah, and his appropriations committee members had the House well under control that day. Of the 12 amendments offered during debate on the bill, only one passed. Rep. Jake Johnson, San Antonio, was successful in amending the bill to require state agencies to keep records telling where their airplanes go and who rides on them. Rep. Curtis Graves, the black legislatOr from Houston, spoke in favor of Johnson’s amendment. “This is the first appropriations bill in some time that doesn’t require a listing of people who ride on state airplanes,” Graves said. “Mr. Johnson, are you aware that on Dec. 13, 1966, a Department of Public Safety airplane made a trip from Austin to Paducah to Austin?” he asked. “Where’s Paducah?” Johnson replied. “I don’t know,” Graves said. The black legislator, a strong critic of Chairman Heatly, attempted to list the dates of other trips the DPS made to Paducah. He managed to get out two more Mutscher gaveled him to silence, insisting that his questions were not germane to the amendment being discussed. House members did not attempt to remove Heatly’s inevitable riders prohibiting the state to take action against cotton gin pollution. Rep. Rex Braun of Houston, however, offered two amendments designed to give the state Department of Health and local health officials power to regulate pollution without the consent of the Air Control Board. Both amendments failed. Rep. James Allred, Wichita Falls, unsuc cessfully tried to eliminate a Heatly rider prohibiting the Department of Public Safety from using helicopters for traffic control. No attempts were made to do away with two other riders concerning the DPS. One requires all of the agency’s cars to be painted black and white. The other makes the DPS concentrate its narcotics activities on and around college and high school campuses. House conservatives tried to no avail to cut down on the cost of the appropriations bill. Rep. James Nugent, Kerrville, failed to pass an amendment keeping the salary of district judges to $20,000. Rep. Bud Sherman, Fort Worth, introduced an amendment that would have cut by 10% all appropriations from the general revenue fund. When the amendment failed, he tried to reduce appropriations by 5%. Graves was the only liberal who spoke against final passage of the bill. He asked a number of rhetorical questions, including: “Why is it that there is only one committee in the House of Representatives that does not have the subcommittee system? “Why is it that this particular bill has to be run out of someone’s vest pocket? “It’s because we don’t have dynamic leadership in this state,” Graves said. “The governor doesn’t run the state, the appropriations chairman does. The lieutenant governor doesn’t run the state, the appropriations chairman does . . . “There are several of you sitting here who are actively seeking to be speaker,” he said. “I challenge each and everyone of you to vote against [the appropriations bill] and prove to us that you have the guts to be counted like men. . . . If you vote for the bill, you are voting for chicanery, you are voting for bribery.” Heatly answered that the bill was written by 21 men, not just himself. It passed 128 to 13. Debate on the Senate bill was less emotional. Henry Grover of Houston, one of the Senate’s two Republicans, was the only man to vote “no.” “Voters are mov ing in a more conservative direction,” he said. “Tekas will be turning to an income tax if we keep spending like we are now.” K.N. Labor Pains at Corpus Christi Corpus Christi The Texas AFL-CIO has a president, H. conniving, and a secretary-treasurer, Roy R. Evans, who is quiet, smooth, and calculating. These strongly independent minded men used these and other traits to The writer is a reporter for a Houston daily and specializes in coverage of the affairs of organized labor in Texas. 6 The Texas Observer the utmost recently in working against each other in labor’s political arena. For four days, some 650 delegates to the Texas Al Prince AFL-CIO’s 1 1 th convention in Corpus Christi had little on their minds but the outcome of the political battle for the secretary-treasurer’s job. On one side was Evans, who, at 44, was drawing on eight years of experience as secretary-treasurer and 21 years in the labor movement. On the other side was Jesse W. Sapp of Waco, who, at 39, was a comparatively unknown labor official statewide. However, Brown, at 49, with eight years as Texas AFL-CIO president and 25 years in the labor movement brought Sapp into the political limelight as a man Brown could work with in carrying out the program of. the state labor federation. Despite attempts of Texas AFL-CIO