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Since 1866 The Place in Austin GOOD FOOD GOOD BEER 1607 San Jacinto GR 7-4171 the best they’ve got in the way of wellgroomed leadership material, whether they like everything Barnes has done lately or not. Barnes also has tended his openings to the left with a care reminiscent of that practiced by Lyndon Johnson. But he has not yet been put to the test of a tough statewide race against a well-known opponent. He has three principal options: run for the Senate against Yarborough in 1970, for the Senate nomination against Tower in 1972, or for governor \(either against Preston Smith in 1970 or else, perhaps not Yarborough he would sustain the political wounds of a hard campaign and the abiding hostility of the liberal and loyal Democrats who identify with Yarborough. Even if Barnes won the nomination, he might lose the election as a result of liberals’ preferences, in such circumstances, for someone such as Bush. Bush likes the life in Washington; that is probably the main reason he did not run for governor, and it gives him pause about running for the Senate again. He would like to be senator, but if he lost he’d be out. Yarborough has a large, loyal following, the chairmanship of the Senate Labor Committee, and a powerful place on the House Appropriations Committee. Beyond that, Bush again has to consider the way old-line Texas Democrats would feel about the prospect of being represented by two Republican senators. Oil Depletion Chairman Wilbur Mills of the House Ways and Means Committee says oil depletion will be cut and the use of oil “production payments” as techniques of tax avoidance will be ended. Oil-state congressmen, including those from Texas, are bracing for an attempt to send the tax bill back to Mills’ committee with instructions to restore depletion to the full present rate if the House has not already done so, and a Senate floor fight is inevitable. Meanwhile, Sen. Philip Hart’s subcommittee on antitrust and monopoly has been giving the major oil companies the bends on tax policy, the oil import program, and prorationing. Texas Railroad Commissioner Jim Langdon, testifying on the industry side, vigorously upheld proration, of course. M. A. Wright, president of Humble \(Jersey Standard’s wholly-owned domestic mony before Hart, Sen. Edward Kennedy, and other committee members, that Jersey expects oil impoits to double as a proportion of U.S. consumption by 1985. \(They are 14% now; by 1985, Wright says, they’ll Texas independents out fighting. Hart’s subcommittee is well aware of its central purpose to lower oil and gas prices and increase oil and gas taxes. The importation of cheap foreign crude into New England is only an aspect of this overall purpose. Therefore, the subcommittee might wind up making book with the Texas independents. For instance, the independents would not be nearly so hostile toward cheap foreign oil if they, themselves, could get a chance at some of it. Except for “historical importers,” to get the oil import tickets now you have to have a refinery. $5,000 Is Over $2.50 The national AFL-CIO brass and many others assembled in Washington at the Shoreham one recent night to honor Paul Douglas, the senator from Illinois and leader of the progressive bloc from 1949 to 1967. Labor presented Douglas the Phillip Murray-William Green Award and a check for $5,000. Douglas graciously accepted the honor and returned the money. George Meany, president of the AFL In My Opinion Austin Odessa attorney Warren Burnett is the subject of a long article in the current Harper’s magazine, written by Larry L. King, the Harper’s and Observer contributor. Burnett is probably one of the more impressive and effective of the young lawyers in the state these days and perhaps will one day contend for the mantle of Houston’s Percy Foreman as Texas’ leading trial and criminal lawyer. Foreman has very definite ideas about the rights of the accused, the quality of justice before the bar, and related concerns. Burnett has all these, but more, I think, he is more inclined than Foreman to worry about broader social concerns social justice. I saw this in Del Rio this spring when Burnett, having driven the long distance from his home, successfully defended more than 30 members of the Mexican-American Youth Organization who had been charged with parading without a permit. That day in Del Rio Burnett exhibited the concern he feels for what he perceives as social wrongs and the inequalities that Texas visits upon its dispossessed. He clearly had prepared himself with awesome thoroughness, to the extent that the corporation court judge twice that day had EL CHICO, Jr. Burnet Road & Hancock Dr., Austin Beer patio under the stars Fast service & carry-out Delicious Mexican food Dinners $1.15 to $1.45 An operation of R & I INVESTMENT CO. Austin, Texas Alan Reed, President G. Brockett Irwin, Vice President CIO, made a speech commending Douglas and was positioned beside him on the dais. Making the presentation, Joseph A. Beirne, president of the Communication Workers of America, recalled that on COPE’s scorecard, Douglas had voted “right” 76-0. In fighting for “causes that were years away from winning,” Beirne said, Douglas has been “a man ahead of his times, living in our times.” Douglas said he realized his name was being used as a symbol of many who had fought the good fight, including his wife, his staff, and the progressive bloc in the Senate. Accordingly, he said, he had decided to return the $5,000. He asked labor to give it to four good causes which he specified. About half the crowd stood and applauded as he returned the check to Beirne. While he was a senator Douglas put a limit of two dollars and fifty cents on the value of gifts he would accept. R.D. to interrupt the proceedings to read the text of cases which Burnett had referred to. King, in the July 21, 1967 Observer, recounted how Burnett won a reversal of a murder conviction before the U.S. Supreme Court while serving as a courtappointed lawyer for a black man. I believe Larry was quite correct when he writes in the Harper’s article, of Burnett, “I mused that my old friend was something of an American rarity: an uncommon mammal who, though aging and prospering, grew more rather than less of a social conscience. One thought of many persons or institutions gone galloping in the other direction: Hubert Humphrey; the fat-and-happy American labor movement; the Irish and the Italian and the Jew who having attained a certain assimilation now begrudge the black man his own tardy rise; the nameless freshman Congressmen who came to Washington seeing young men’s visions but who grew old and powerful and came to wish for little more than that July 4, 1969 15 No Small Talent