ustxtxb_obs_1968_12_27_50_00006-00000_000.pdf

wimmill11.11111004ii: 70.4401111111111.11114.1.11111110pas* j o b. Noting that the vast majority of homicides result from a dispute with a woman or over a woman, I proposed at first that we REGISTER FEMALES, NOT FIREARMS. Discouraged by the reception given this idea, I have suggested that the Firearms Task Force negotiate a profitable sell-out to the National Rifle Association. In return for booze, broads and a few shares of Smith & Wesson stock, we would recommend in our final report: “To arms! To arms! It’s every man for himself!” Unfortunately, the Chicago attorney directing the Firearms Task Force has permitted himself to become the unwitting tool of the life insurance lobby, and refuses to view the gun problem realistical ly. \(Until the Pope approves the Pill, The trouble is, everyone else on the commission has a good-paying job to go back to; they can afford to be against violence. But my situation is different. Whenever I hear people on our staff putting down violence, I have to remind them. “Don’t knock it, it’s a living.” [1] The High Cost of Campaigning I Austin Attempting to find out how much was spent during a political campaign is often a frustrating and sometimes an impossible undertaking. Under the multi-loopholed Federal Corrupt Practices Act, candidates for federal office are required to provide “a correct and itemized account” of all contributions made to a candidate or to “any person for him with his knowledge and consent” that is “in the aid or support of his candidacy for election, or for the purpose of influencing the result of the election.” The act also requires a detailed account of expenditures made by the candidate “or by any person for him with his knowledge or consent” except for “exempt” expenses for such things as personal travel and campaign office operation, which can be listed as a lump sum rather than itemized. Contributions made, without the candidate’s knowledge, say in the form of television advertisements or for campaign supplies or free printing, are not noted. The federal law prohibits individuals from contributing more than $5,000 to a particular group on a candidate’s behalf. To get around this, both the Republican and Democratic parties set up a plethora of committees to solicit funds. Thus, two Texans \(E., W. Brown, Jr., a businessman from Orange, and W. R. Davis, president of the Permian Corp., a Midland oil comous Nixon-Agnew committees without actually breaking the letter of the law. Candidates for federal office apparently are not required to list contributions made to state committees. Five GOP congressmen from Texas did not fill in the spaces on the required federal form, explaining they would report to the state since all their contributions and expenditures went through committees. The State of Texas requires all political candidates from senator on down who have opponents and who represent more than one county to file expense sheets with the Secretary of State. Candidates for office within a single county report to the county commissioner. There is no state ceiling on contributions. The Democratic national committee put at least $13,950 into the races of eight Texas incumbents, including $1,500 to Rep. Olin E. Teague of College Station, who ran ‘unopposed. Other incumbents 6 The Texas Observer who reported assistance from the national party were Reps. Bob Casey of Houston, $2,000; Bob Eckhardt of Houston, $2,000; W. R. Poage of Waco, $1,000; Graham Purcell of Wichita Falls, $3,950; and Richard C. White of El Paso, $1,500. In their reports to the federal government, Republican candidates listed no contributions from national GOP party organizations, but a spokesman at state Republican headquarters said that the national party had helped finance some Texas congressional candidates, including Ray Gabler of Austin. A number of local GOP groups were listed as contributing to congressional races as was the United Congressional Appeal, which supports conservative, mostly Republican candidates. The Appeal gave $1,000 to Joe 0. Stevens, Rep. Bob Eckhardt’s opponent, and $2,000 to Henry C. Pressler, who opposed Rep. Jack Brooks of Beaumont. Here is a summary of the general election financial statements of Texas congressional candidates who had opponents. In cases where the federal and state reports conflict, the report with the higher figure is used. The winners are listed first: itemized expenditures, no exempt expenditures. eral pre-election report: $2,080 in gifts, $2,152 in itemized expenditures, no figure for exempt ex= penses. federal pre-election report: $1,000 in gifts, $1,000 in itemized expenses, $1,000 in exempt expenses. including $3,000 from the Dallas County Republican party and $1,500 from GOP financier Sam Wyly; $1,884.34 in itemized expenditures, $3,740.68 in exempt expenditures. cording to state report: $13,058.08 in gifts, $13,249:14 in expenditures. Frank Crowley \(R-Dalno itemized expenses and $2,481 in exempt expenditures. eral pre-election report: $17,146 in contributions, $1,383.12 in itemized expenditures, $30,234.40 in according to state figures: $67,065.07 in gifts, $66,981.92 in payments, $6,498.23 in debts. to federal pre-election report: $3,115 in gifts, no itemized expenditures, $24,200 in exempt expento state report: $47,351.71 in gifts, $47,276.32 in expenditures, $6,828.43 in debts. report to Harris county clerk: $39,269 in gifts and $58,159 in expenditures. Walter Blaney \(Rclerk: $39,269 in gifts, $46,089 in expenditures. report: $3,518.75 in gifts, $3,322.40 in expenditures, no exempt expenditures. J. R. Brown report: $1,894.20 in gifts, $28 in itemized expenditures, $519.91 in exempt expenditures. cording to federal pre-election report: $4,695 in gifts, $4,244 in itemized expenditures, $4,250 in exempt expenditures. Robert Schneider \(R-San port:. $228 in gifts, $20.40 in itemized expenditures, $1,516.60 in exempt expenditures. to state report: $10,887 in gifts, $12,614.37 in paystate report: $15,207 in gifts, $15,457.38 in expenditures, $867 in debts. report for both primary and general election: $4,747.95 in gifts, $1,742 in payments. Laurel N. printing, $240 in expenditures. gifts, $5,492.26 in expenditures. Henry C. Pressler $7,728.40 in gifts, $2,416.38 in itemized expenditures, $4,414.98 in exempt expenditures. to federal pre-election report: $2,830 in gifts, $878.50 in itemized expenditures, no exempt excording to federal report: $11,044.84 in gifts, $385.58 in itemized expenses, $10,958.53 in exempt expenditures. Wallace Donors Some 275 Texans donated $100 or more to George Wallace’s $6.3 million campaign for the presidency. The most well-known name among Wallace’s list of Texas contributors was Edwin A. Walker of Dallas, the right-wing general who ran for governor in 1962. The two biggest contributors, each for $5,000, were Robert Franklin of Dallas and Jean Scullin of Houston. Others giving $1,000 or more included: Carlton Beal, ‘Midland, 1,000; T. K. Williamson, Morton, 1,000; James Doneghy, Wellington, 1,000; Carlton Beal, Midland, 4,000; M. H. Marr, -Dallas, 1,000; H. J. Neff, Dallas, 1,000; Paul H. Pewitt, Dallas, 1,000; H. ‘Roger Lawler, Dallas, 1,000; Robert Lee Slaughter, Sr., Fort Worth, 1,000; Eric Slator, Llano, 2,000; Bennett B. Watson, Houston, 1,000; M. J. Harvey, Tyler, 1,000; Douglas W. MacGregor, Houston; 1,000; Wallace W. Kranks, Houston, 1,000; Carter Graves, Houston, 3,500; Edwin A. Walker, Dallas, 1,000; T. A. Robinson, Houston, $2,000; Mr. and Mrs. Herbert F. Handley, Houston, $3,000. Smith-Eggers Gov. elect Preston Smith spent more than $1 million during his primary and general election campaigns for the state’s highest office. Smith’s final campaign report submitted to the secretary of state shows that he spent a total of $1,233,074 and received contributions totaling $1,207,237. Paul Eggers, the Republican nominee, spent a total of $384,422 and received $291,352 in contributions. Between the primary runoff June 1 and the general election Nov. 5, Smith reported receiving $385,595 in gifts. During the