elections. These can hardly be called legitimate political activities. The Vietnamese communists have never undertaken legitimate political activity since the earliest days of their betrayal of their nationalist allies after World War II. The present war evolves from the long time communist desire to rule all of Vietnam; not the excesses of Diem’s presidency or anything else. Austin There is nothing new about what now afflicts the New Left in America, condescension toward others and the will to use them, reciprocated by condescension and the willingness to be used. Emotionally these are understandable; if, however, they are accepted as the basis for proceeding, they destroy the honesty and validity of any movement. Compound them with racism in a context of violence and you have a mess. The New Left is not doing precisely what it should be doing: it is not facing the subject of initiatory violence in the United States. To abuse those who raise the subject with recitations of the persistence of injustice among us is just another kind of violence, the use of rhetoric as a bludgeon. A coalition is possible only among people who respect each other and are using methods that are not opposite in their impact as well as in their nature. A person committed to violence in the United States is ‘committed against, not for, politics, including new politics. As a practical matter, on behalf of destruction he is opposed to reforms, which of course reduce the injustices, that can be used to justify destruction. As a practical matter, a person opposed to violence is in favor of reforms through politics. A commitment to violence is the opposite of that minimum respect of others that is the minimum basis for having a politics; if violence had a political equivalent, which it does not, it would be dictation. This then is an unavoidable parting of the ways, since before you can reform anything you have to decide whether you are going to use politics or bullets on it. Coalition therefore can not be and should not be attempted with people who advocate or commit violence in American ghettoes. Reliable published accounts on the National Conference on New Politics meeting in Chicago are sketchy at this point, but one can still have confidence in the New York Times, which reported that the Negro delegates held a Black Caucus for four days, excluding all the whites therefrom. This was a racist act. Thereupon the Black Caucus delivered to the whites thirteen resolutions, and the Times reported that in a “unity bargain” to keep the Negroes from walking out, the convention I wrote my letter on the “Cemetery” article and I write this piece because of the need as I see it for the historical record on Vietnam to be better balanced in the pages of the Observer; so that at least not every sentence which appears in your publication on Vietnam echoes the beleaguered coo of the militant dove. T. ANTHONY QUINN, Austin, Tex. then adopted all of the resolutions in a package by a motion which contemptuously provided that “the sole right to modify them would remain with the Black Caucus.” One of the resolutions required “total and unqueStionable support” of all wars the resolution called wars of liberation everywhere in the underdeveloped world. Such a resolution is a vital insult to the intelligence, which must have the right to make its own study and judgment of the circumstances of every case if it is to have any independent purpose. This resolution also required acceptance of a corollary implication that as a matter of doctrine, whenever it happens violence is better than non-violence, which, if one is to have a doctrine, is in my opinion backwards. Another of the resolutions called on whites to “deal anew with the 20th century facts of black liberation efforts,” which, in the absence of any language disapproving violence initiated by Negroes in American cities, certainly implied acceptance of it or assent to it. Another resolution called for organization of “white civilizing communities . . . to humanize the savage and beast-like character that runs rampant through America, exemplified by George Lincoln Rockwell and Lyndon Baines Johnson.” To take the last of that first, equating the demented racist fascist Rockwell with Johnson is totally abusive rhetoric for which the word unfair is mild. The call for “white civilizing September 15, 1967 13 ~444.44### I Observations A Time of Wounds Doesn’t this make sense? It is the fear of losing the wage earner’s earning power for a year or longer which presents a threat to every Union family. Just as it is impossible to insure an existing fire, it is impossible to insure an existing illness or injury at the time of occurrence! Insurance must be placed before the catastrophe before the lockout of “living death.” We invite your consideration of the policy contract clauses of the American Income Life Insurance Company, the company with the policy with the arbitration clause for Union Labor! Our credentials? Our employees are organized and represented by Local 277 of The Office and Employees International Union of the AFL-CIO. And we like it! AMERICAN INCOME LIFE imteumee apetn” Executive Offices, P. 0. Box 208, Waco, Texas BERNARD RAPOPORT President
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