ustxtxb_obs_1967_02_17_50_00004-00000_000.pdf

support of San Antonio Archbishop Robert Lucey, who long has had a reputation for favoring social action in behalf of South Texas’ impoverished Latins. But in mid-January something wag changing Lucey’s mind, to some extent, about the wisdom of his subordinates continuing actively in La Huelga and related activities. On Jan. 18 Rev. Sherrill Smith, social action director of the archdiocese, was transferred to another church in San Antonio, a church where he will have less time for outside activities. Smith has been active in the Starr strike. The Rev. Henry Casso, who was the executive secretary of the Bishop’s Committee for the Spanish Speaking, was made the episcopal vicar for urban ministry in San Antonio. Erasmo Andrade, a layman who worked for Casso, was let go. All three menSmith, Casso, and Andradehad been, until that day, in the forefront of social action in the archdiocese and were generally understood to be executing Lucey’s committment in this regard. An unidentified priest told San Antonio Express columnist Paul Thompson “Word has come down through the ranks that Archbishop Lucey would like all priests to realize that the coin has two sides. Sure it’s a good thing to work for the little people. But there are other rights to be considered, too. And just because a union says something, that doesn’t mean it is bound to be right.” Two weeks later, Feb. 1, ten persons, including five Catholic priests, were arrested in Starr County and charged with disturbing the peace. The group was yelling at workers in the fields of La Casita, seeking to persuade them to join the strike. Two of the priests were Smith and the Rev. William Killian, the editor of the archdiocesan newspaper. Killian, after the Smith-Andrade-Casso shakeup, had been rumored due for a wing clipping. The archbishop ordered Smith and Killian to spend last week at Via Coeli \(Latin Albuquerque, N.M., variously described as a “sanctuary for fallen priests” or a “priests’ prison.” Smith and Killian took their punishment in good spirits; Killian said it was a matter of church protocol. He explained that the Most Rev. Humberto Madeiros, the bishop of the Brownsville Diocese, which includes Starr County, had asked that priests from outside the diocese stay away. Madeiros is unenthusiastic about the participation of priests in such movements as strikes. But, as columnist Thompson recalls, priests from San Antonio, including Smith, participated in the integration demonstration in Alabama despite the fact that the bishop there resented their presence a resentment of which Lucey was aware. When word of Smith’s and Killian’s punishment spread, about 30 persons picketed Lucey’s home. One of the pickets was Andrade. Do the events of the past few weeks in the San Antonio Mchdiocese mean a change of attitude on Lucey’s part? A spokesman, the Rev. Clarence Leopold, chairman of the archdiocese senate, said this is not the case. He quoted Lucey as saying that the social programs “will con’ tinue to be pursued with the same vigor as before. There is no change.” G. 0. Political Intelligence Texas’ G.O.P. -Recovering Now And Looking to Happier Days V Texas Republicans seem to have re turned to the significance they enjoyed in state affairs before Nov. 22, 1963. In the recent elections they increased from 24 to 36 their number of Texas officeholders and they are showing signs, more and more, of being a political party in more than name only. The Republicans are taking a hard look at the 1968 gubernatorial and legislative races, which will be their main concerns now that John Tower has been returned to the Senate for six more years. Five names have been mentioned as possible G.O.P. candidates for governor. Most of the talk recently has concerned John Hurd, a Laredo oilman who is a deputy state chairman of the party. His name first came up at the mid-January meeting of the Republican state committee in Austin. Hurd said he doesn’t consider himself a candidate, but added that if he did run, he’d run hard. Later Hurd drew statewide notice by advocating a Texas minimum wage “of a proper type” to ward off further extension of the federal minimum. Another prospect is Will Wilson, the former attorney general. Wilson is still a Democrat, but has been considering changing parties for some time. He was active in the Tower campaign last fall and prob 4 The Texas Observer ably would relish the chance to get back into statewide politics as a candidate. Wilson’s last race was in 1962, when he finished fourth in John Connally’s first gubernatorial primary. Until then Wilson had been regarded as having a promising political future. Three other names are mentioned Sen. Tower, Cong. George Bush, and State Sen. Henry Grover. The prospect of any of these men making a try for the governor’s job in 1968 is not considered too likely. State G.O.P. chairman Peter O’Donnell, however, has said that there is some serious talk of Tower running for governor. But the senator is becoming too inn, portant to the party nationally and, returned to Washington for a second term, will begin to exert more influence in the Senate. Houston Cong. Bush, shortly after arriving in Washington, was awarded a seat on the Ways and Means Committee, a rare honor for a freshman House member. Turning aside from such an auspicious beginning in Congress would be difficult indeed for Bush. Grover, also from Houston, drew a twoyear term in the State Senate, and probably will need more time than that to become better known statewide. He is in a safe district, however, and is likely to win a full four-year term in 1968. Other Plans, Too Republicans will also, in 1968, seek to make gains in the legislature, Congress, and in the courthouses. Grover in the Senate and three House members are the party’s Austin legislative delegation now; this could be expanded and is very likely to be. Expansion nearly occurred this month in a special election in brass collar Democratic McLennan County, where Republican Carl McIntosh lost by 256 votes to Demo Tom Moore, Jr. V Republican Party officials believe that their cause is at least as far along in Texas as it was in 1963, when Lyndon Johnson became President and interrupt-/ ed the movement towards a two-party Texas. One Texas Republican leader believes that his party has resumed its potential of 1963 for electing Congressmen and U.S. Senators and is even more capable of making good state and local races. He explains that this is because of experience gained in running such campaigns and the knowledge acquired about non-national issues. V Republicans have hopes of increasing their Congressional strength from Texas. Particularly G.O.P. hopes center on the seat occupied by Democrat Joe Pool of