Solons Toss Labor Nary a Bone Austin The Texas Senate joined in with the governor and the Texas House of Representatives against President Johnson’s call for repeal of 14-B of the Taft-Hartley Act but only after the press had been treated to one of the neatest laterals of the session. Sen. George Parkhouse of Dallas, the sponsor of much of Texas’ anti-union legislation, proposed the Senate pass the Houseapproved resolution memorializing Congress to save the state’s right-to-work law under 14-B. Parkhouse said the move was “in line with the governor’s telegram” to the House members from Texas. “The unions have made more gains under the right to work law than any other thing,” Parkhouse said. “All of you know in your hearts that the right to work law has brought more prosperity to Texas than anything. If I was head of a union, I think I’d be such a good union leader they’d want to join, but it’s wrong to make a man belong to anything he doesn’t want to, from the Ku Klux Klan to the Methodist Church.” In the face of the 24-6 vote to take up the resolution, Sen. Babe Schwartz, Galveston, said Congress didn’t give “a hoot ‘n holler” about what the legislature thought, but Schwartz offered an amendment to have the resolution sent to President Johnson, too, so that he “could know full well who’s for his program and who’s against it.” This, in the eyes of some politicians, was a most unsporting move, indeed. But Schwartz was not through. Having the floor, he yielded to Sen. Don Kennard, Fort Worth, who made a motion to bring up his committee-approved bill to prohibit Texas state officials from refusing to hire anyone because of race. \(This bill would also prohibit discriminationin the giving of any state license or permit, require integration of all state “facilities open to the public,” and in general terms prohibit any state employee from committing any act of discrimination in his official capacity. Court actions would be authorized against offending state officials; penalties of $1,000 fine or one year in jail or both would be au”This is just another national issue we ought to get on the record about,” Schwartz said. In a situation much confused, the Senate voted 18-12 in favor of taking up the bill. However, 21 votes were required; thus the Senate refused to consider the bill \(and it was therefore dead for the sesAs the question reverted to Schwartz’ proposal to tell Johnson the Senate was in favor of 14-B, Kennard declared, about the vote on the integration bill, “We’ve just had a direct vote on a right to work law.” ANGERED, Parkhouse declared, “The President of the United States knows 6 The Texas Observer the platform he ran on in 1948,” \(when Parkhouse remembered a meeting in the Baker Hotel in the hot summer of ’48 when Johnson supported Taft-Hartley and 14-B. “Maybe changed his mind about it. I don’t think he needs any reminder of how Texas feels about the right to work law.” In light of Johnson’s 87-vote victory in 1948, Parkhouse said that “votes were changed” by Johnson’s position for TaftHartley that year. “I don’t believe Lyndon Johnsonhe’s a very fine President, a great PresidentI don’t think he’s going to fall out with the great governor of this state over one issue in the Congress,” Parkhouse continued. “It will be noted in high places ‘iho did want to put the amendment on,” he added. Schwartz’ amendment was adopted on voice vote with no “nays” heard in the chamber. The resolution, too, was adopted. Then Schwartz took the floor to drive in the ironies. “We’ve got two right-to-work proposals we voted on today,” he said. Integration in state employment was an issue that “we can do something about today. It’s a right to work issue and the senator from Dallas voted against it.” On the other hand, he said, Parkhouse’s resolution was “as important a resolution as a eunuch in the palace of a Babylonian king.” “You could have voted today to give the Negro citizens of Dallas the right to work in Dallas,” Schwartz shot at Parkhouse. “If you had brought it up like an honorable man I might have voted for it,” Parkhouse jabbed back. “You got snookered and you know it,” Schwartz rejoined. “I want to preserve the right to work more than you ever knew how to preserve it,” said the senator from Galveston. On final passage of the resolution the next day, Sen. Roy Harrington, Port Arthur, said that lawyers and doctors should be exercised against it, since it would endanger their closed shops. “This is a vote against the working people of Texas,” he said. The Senate then sent the resolution to Congress and the President. WHETHER the Congress took note no one knows, but the President came calling in the Senate chamber two days later. The occasion was the unveiling of his portrait. Official Austin turned out in grand style, the women draped and painted fit to kill. By chance, Senator Parkhouse had the floor : when the Senate had recessed the afternoon before, he had been filibustering a. dues checkoff bill. He had said, the afternoon before, that he wouldn’t yield to anyone, even if the Capitol burned down, but evidently he changed his mind. Formerly, the three portraits at the front of the Senate chamber on the left side left, those of Jefferson Davis, Albert Sidney Johnston, and Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Sen. Dorsey Hardeman of San Angelo, champion of the right to work and other conservative causes, had made arrangements for and sponsored the Johnson portrait. To make room for it, the portrait of Roosevelt was taken off the front wall and moved to a space between two windows on the left wall. The UPI had reported that Parkhouse had remarked about this: “Times change.” The morning of the ceremony, Sen. Culp Krueger, El Campo, first introduced the group of San Antonio businessmen who underwrote the portraits; then he introduced the artist, David Phillip Wilson. Sen. Hardeman delivered a prepared speech, in the course of which he said to the President, “You have demonstrated your abiding interest in improving the lot of your fellowman, both at home and abroad. . . . And now, as this picture is presented, let us indulge an honest exultation of pride in you.” Sens. Bill Moore, Bryan, and Louis Crump, San Saba, were the two men assigned to pull down the cloth covering the portrait, unveiling it. The guests rose and applauded. Lt. Gov. Preston Smith said, “The only feeling that a Texan could have at this moment is one of deep pride. . . . We are proud of our native son.” Whereupon Sen. A. M. Aikin, Paris, introduced “one of the great governors this state ever had,” and Gov. Connally introduced “a fellow Texan, a great American, a warm friend,” President Johnson. Johnson said all this was a great honor. “I wasn’t sure whether I could get in this morning, since as youall know I am a professional school teacher,” he said with a smile. He had received a telegram from Sen. Hardeman. “I assumed, of course,” said the President, “that it was one of Dorsey’s frequent expressions of support of my programs. My secretary told me, ‘No, Mr. President, it’s an invitation to a hanging.’ And I said rather cautiously, ‘Whose?’ She replied, ‘Yours.’ Knowing Senator Hardeman’s attitudes toward presidents and governors, I said, ‘So what else is new?’ ” The assembled Texans appreciated the humor of these remarks. They laughed a little, too, at one other point in Johnson’s remarks. He said, “Courthouse, statehouse, and White House are working together with mutual respect” then he turned his head completely to glance at Connally, and concluded”if not always mutual agreement.” After the ceremony the Observer remarked to Sen. Hardeman on the fact that the portrait of Roosevelt had beeri moved over to the far left. “That’s were he oughta be. That’s where he oughta be,” Hardeman said. 1The donors: Harry Jersig, Hugh Fitzsimmons, Reese Harrison, and Leonard Hyatt, San Antonio; W. W. Heath and William Hunter McLean, Austin; Bedford Wynne, Eugene Locke, and Ben Carpenter, Dallas; Cecil Burney and J. M. Dellinger, Corpus Christi; J. C. Looney, Edinburg, and C. T. McLaughlin, Snyder.
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