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and 185,000 Latin-Americans voted in Texas this year, and if the overwhelmingly pro-Democratic patterns among them that are evident from the urban precincts were statewide, the minorities were a decisive factor in Sen. Yarborough’s victory. That is, he would not have won without them, just as he would not have won, for instance, without the rural brass-collar Democratic votes. Bush carried urban West Texas, where members of minorities do not live in significant numbers, but in areas where Yarborough has had a close go before, the minorities provided an extra margin, and in his solid areas he won strongly with the and minority voters. IN BIG CITIES the patterns were fairly clear in Texas: Johnson appealed more than Kennedy did to upperincome and upper-middle-income suburban voters; Johnson and Yarborough absolutely swept the minority precincts; the backlash was not substantial, except possibly in the Sabine area. Dallas County, which has gone Republican the last three presidential elections, went for Johnson 167-137 thousand. Bush had planned on a 70 thousand margin in Dallas but got only 26. Minority precincts that were blockworked by the Democratic C o a l i ti on \(hereafter short-handed as Yarborough 24-1 and 22-1 majorities, respectively, and margins of more than 20,000 votes. Democrat Earle Cabell, defeating Cong. Bruce Alger, attributed his victory to the teamwork in Dallas between liberals and conservatives. Precinct 180, Negro, voted for Cabell 1,174-10. GOP county chairman John ‘Leedom said that 11,000 Negro votes were cast in Dallas in the 1962 general election, compared to 32,000 this time. County Democratic Chairman Bill Clark attributed the Dallas returns to six factors: Kennedy’s assassination having happened in Dallas; 100,000 more poll taxes in 1964 than in 1960; a Texan running for president ; the most popular governor in Texas history on the ticket; the fact that the Democratic candidates complemented each other; and Johnson’s image of responsibility and ability. In Harris County, containing Houston, the largest city in the South, approximately 70 to 75,000 Negroes voted. How they voted may be deduced from the Houston Chronicle’s computations on precincts that are virtually all Negro wherein 56,536 voted, 98% for Johnson and Yarborough. Labor precincts in Houston voted heavily Democratic; middle-income precincts favored Bush slightly. Goldwater carried upper-middle and upper-income precincts, but by less than Nixon. In River Oaks-Tanglewood, the poshest *areas in Houston, Johnson gained 12.5% over Kennedy. Yarborough would have lost Harris County without his majorities in Negro boxes; Johnson would have won there had no Negro votes been cast in Houston, but as Walter Mansell pointed out in the Houston Chroni 4 The Texas Observer cle, he would have lost if they had voted Republican. As it was, Johnson took Harris 225-151 thousand ; Yarborough won it, 196173 thousand. Bexar County has heavily concentrated Latin-American voters on the west side and a large Negro component on the east side. Johnson took Bexar, 106-55 thousand; Yarborough, 93-64. Figures provided the Observer on Bexar County show that in the 43 Latin-American precincts worked by Cty. Cmsr. Albert Pena’s organization affiliated with the Democratic Coalition, Yarborough received a margin of 24 thousand; in the 14 Negro precincts worked by G. J. Sutton’s group, similarly affiliated, Yarborough’s margin was 10 thousand. In Bexar, 29% of the voters gave Yarborough 120% of his victory margin and 44% of his total vote there. In Tarrant, Travis, Jefferson, and Galveston counties, the story in the Negro precincts is basically the same. In El Paso County eight heavily Latin-American precincts voted 94% for Johnson and 92% for Yarborough. In Cameron County blockworked precincts, mostly Latin-American, voted 77% for Johnson and 79% for Yarborough.. Whether the work of the Democratic Coalition increased registration and turnout in its selected precincts is a separate question from that of how these precincts voted. Preliminary estimates provided by Martin Wigington, the Coalition’s staff coordinator, showed turnout in blockworked precincts up 2 to 5% in Dallas, up 6% in Tarrant, down 6% in Cameron, up 5% in Port Arthur but down slightly in Beaumont, up 12.5% in Travis, and up 4% in Galveston. In 37 all-NegrO precincts in Harris County, where the work of turnout was handled by the Harris County Democrats and workers associated with Mrs. R. D. Randolph, the former Democratic national committeewoman, turnout increased from 40,000 in 1960 to 53,000 in 1964. Here, in thousands, are margins in some other urban Texas areas: Brazoria, Johnson 16-7, Yarborough 1410 ; Ector, Goldwater 11-11, Bush 13-9; El Paso, Johnson 30-21, Yarborough 31-24; Galveston, Johnson 29-12, Yarborough 2614 ; Gregg, Goldwater 12-9, Bush 12-8; Hidalgo, Johnson 21-11, Yarborough 19-12; Jefferson, Johnson 45-29, Yarborough 41 31 ; Lubbock, Johnson 22-18, Bush 24-16; McLennan, Johnson 28-11, Yarborough 2614 ; Midland, Goldwater 12-9, Bush 14-6; Nueces, Johnson 40-14, Yarborough 35-18; Potter, Johnson 12-11, Bush 14-10; Smith, Goldwater 12-12, Bush 14-11; Tarrant, Johnson 97-57, Yarborough 83-70; Taylor, Johnson 13-9, Yarborough 11-11; Travis, Johnson 44-19, Yarborough 37-27; Wichita, Johnson 19-9, Yarborough 17-11. The Democratic sweep was compounded in Texas, of course, when the Texas delegation to the House became all-Democratic, Republican Alger of Dallas losing to Cabell 171-128 and Republican Ed Foreman of El Paso losing to Richard White 70-55. Cong.-at-large Joe Pool defeated Republican Bill Hayes, 1,675 thousand to 822 thousand. The GOP fielded an opponent against every Democratic nominee for the U.S. House and lost every one. Margins in thousands by which the other Democratic ‘nominees won : Patman 51-18, Brooks 7545, Beckworth 53-36, Roberts 47-11, Teague 53-12, Dowdy 64-12; Thomas 103-30, Thompson 104-33, Pickle 79-24, Poage 6214, Wright 108-50, Purcell 67-22, Young 104-31, de la Garza 66-29, Burleson 63-18, Rogers 58-48, Mahon 85-24, Gonzalez 10056, Fisher 61-17, Casey 134-96. It is of some interest that the 22 Republicans who ran for Congress from districts \(excluding, them of about 810,000 votes, more than any other statewide GOP candidate except Bush and Hayes. The total Texas vote for president was 2.6 million, compared to 2.3 million in 1960. Johnson got 63.3%, Yarborough 56.3%, and Connally 73.8%. The three constitutional amendments passed roughly 2-1. PRESIDENT JOHNSON and Senator Yarborough swept East, North, Central, South, and West Texas counties except the upper Panhandle and spotted pockets. The President lost just 16 counties; Yarborough lost 34, with two more tied as of the all but final Texas Election Bureau returns Nov. 8. The Republican pockets, aside from the upper Panhandle, were a strip of counties along the MidlandOdessa complex, the German counties of the hill country, and three East Texas counties. The most conspicuous county that Johnson carried but Yarborough lost was Dallas, but there were 18 of these. Senator Goldwater carried 16 Texas counties out of the 254, compared to 80 carried by Nixon in ’60. Goldwater’s 16: Ector, Gray, Gregg, Hutchinson, Kendall, Midland, Randall, Smith, and the miniscule voting populations of Edwards, Glasscock, Hansford, Lipscomb, Ochiltree, Panola, Roberts, and Sherman. Dallas, heretofore the GOP stronghold, cast 12% of the state’s vote but gave Goldwater only 14% of his statewide total. It is a stark comment on Goldwater’s flop in Texas that among the eight counties of goodly size that he carried, his best showings were 4-3 victories in Gregg and Midland, each of which he carried by about 3 ;000 votes. He’took Smith by a margin of just one vote out of every 50 cast there. In addition to the counties Johnson lost, Yarborough lost Moore, Oldham, Potter, Deaf Smith, Parmer, Bailey, Hale, Lubbock, Yoakum, and Gaines in the Panhandle; Loving, Winkler, and Ward just west of Midland-Odessa ; Gillespie, Kerr, Bandera, and Uvalde in the hill country; and Dallas. Andrews and Hartley were ties. Some of the county returns outside the urban complexes have a quixotic interest. Because of the location of Johnson’s ranch, a special effort was made to carry Gillespie County for him, and it succeeded, 4-3, despite the county’s deep Republican tradition. Blanco County, where the President voted, supported him 1,197 to 29. Bell, in deep-eyed brass-collar Democrat country,