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ald-Press, for instance, Musslewhite sought to counter the “The . . . This” advertisement on the 1952 rape case. The rejoinder ad called the Dowdy ad “race baiting” and said Dowdy “admitted” saying about a Negro what had been quoted. Then, said the Musslewhite ad: “What Mr. Dowdy didn’t tell you is that the Court of Criminal Appeals reversed the decision because of Mr. Dowdy’s inflammatory and vicious arguments. The court said: ‘The law provides for and presumes a fair trial free from such arguments as above quoted. And we do not think this defendant had a fair trial with such denunciations of the district attorney ringing in the ears of the jury who tried him.’ .. . “As the Court of Criminal Appeals reversed Mr. Dowdy for his race baiting in the trial of this Negrothe people of this district are going to reverse Mr. Dowdy for In Dallas, liberal insurance man Baxton Bryant was whacked to earth by the conservative Dallas electorate and former Mayor Earle Cabell, who won the Democratic congressional nomination from Dallas hands down. In advance of the election, the Inter-denominational Ministerial Alliance of Negro ministers endorsed the conservative Cabell, and the best Bryant could do to offset this was to announce his endorsement by the Negro Methodist church groups, which are a component of the alliance. Cabell and Bryant agreed, in answers to a questionnaire, that the U.S. should stay in the U.N. and that medical care should be provided the aged under social security \(Cabell added a condition, “a test the Negro precincts; Bryant also lost a majority of the customarily liberal precincts. Bryant said the “$50,000 lie” in the U.S. Senate race cost him heavily. Bryant pledged his support to Cabell in November, and Dallas Democrats show signs of uniting behind Cabell in another attempt to defeat the arch-conservative Republican congressman, Bruce Alger. Paradoxically, however, the thumping margin by which Cabell beat Bryant ac centuates Cabell’s difficulty. Bryant tested out the theory that the reason Democrats have been losing ground in Dallas is their compromising; the theory that if a candidate would just go all-out and work the Negro and Latin-American areas and worker-white areas intensively, he could prevail, even in Dallas. Bryant campaigned openly for public accommodations, medicare, Kennedy, and Johnson. Cabell must find in his huge victory over Bryant proof of his campaign strategy, to wit: that Dallas is organically conservative and that the only way to beat Alger is to avoid clashing with him on issues.and appeal to the very 6The Texas Observer his smear and race baiting campaign,” the ad concluded. Dowdy kept plugging away: the issue, he said, was the civil rights bill, on which Musslewhite had not stated his position, but which Dowdy was against, tooth and toenail. Should we be tried by three men appointed by the Attorney General? Should “the employee be told who he must work for”? Should “union seniority” be destroyed? Dowdy’s answer: “John Dowdy is against federal agents carrying out experiments in our neighborhoods as granted by the ‘civil rights bill.’ ” A final advertisement for Dowdy in the Huntsville Item May 1 closed: “Why does the opponent avoid discussing the issues facing the next Congress COMMUNISM, CIVIL RIGHTS, PRAYER AND BIBLE READING IN THE SCHOOLS?” Dowdy won and Musslewhite lost. self-interest that characterizes Dallas conservatism. But this has been tried before, and Alger has prevailed every time. If, after the psychic turmoil of the assassination, Cabell fails to beat Alger in November, the question will then have to be considered: Is Alger beatable in Dallas? On the Democratic side the most important runoffs June 6 entail three seats in the U.S. House of Representatives. Richard White of El Paso, running as a moderate Democrat, led Rep. Malcolm McGregor of El Paso into a runoff for the Democratic nomination against GOP Cong. Ed Foreman, Odessa. White’s lead was 29,000 to 25,000, with 7,000 votes cast for an Odessa housewife who ran third. McGregor is given a chance by Austin observers who are pulling for him on the theory that McLendon’s Senate campaign attracted to the first primary a number of conservatives who might not re-appear at the runoff primary. moderate-to-conservative, led liberal Rep. Lindsey Rodriguez, Hidalgo, into a runoff of the South Texas seat which Joe Kilgore had resigned. Gene McCullough, an Anglo loyalist, ran a strong third. Cong.-at-Large Joe Pool of Dallas has a very wide lead over this runoff opponent, ex-Sen. Bob Baker of Houston. Texas labor’s COPE has endorsed Baker automatically under a decision reached at Arlington in February. The winner will face Republican Bill Hayes of Temple, who has been attracting press play by declaring that he is against “any accommodation for the communists or atheists” and that the U.S. has “permitted two-bit dictators to spit on us until Uncle Sam is being drowned in a spray of socialism.” Congressmen Olin Teague, Bob Poage, Jim Wright, and Omar Burleson won renomination over their challengers with ease. Smith and Langdon San Antonian Albert Fuentes’ poor-boy campaign for lieutenant governor never got into gear, but it permitted Lt. Gov. Preston Smith to make numerous appearances . and speeches and to boost his own name in newspaper advertising. Since Atty. Gen. Waggoner Carr had no opponent this spring, since both Smith and Carr are from West Texas, and since both are considered likely candidates for governor in 1966, Smith’s advances in name recognition with the voters this year are a new factor that will be weighed against arguments of Carr partisans that Smith should be content to be lieutenant governor indefinitely, as Ben Ramsey was before him. The “power structure” probably was alarmed by the specter of a liberal on the Texas Railroad Commission. From a common sense point of view, it looked like Jesse Owens, the former Wichita Falls judge who had never got less than 46% of the vote in his losing statewide races, might unseat James Langdon, Gov. Con THE RETURNS For out-of-state readers, salient final unofficial returns in the May 2 Texas primary as reported by the Texas Election Bureau May 9: Democratic primary: Governor, Connally 1,124,609, Don Yarborough 471,871, Banks 23,272, Hackworthe 11,689. U.S. Senator, Ralph Yarborough 903,117, McLendon 671,776. Congressman at-large, Pool 651,001, Elkins 116,334, Looney 11,068. Selected congressional races: Dist. 5, Cabell 73,959, Bryant 38,428; Dist. 7, Dowdy 45,779, Musslewhite 34,969; Dist. 15, De la Garza 30,231, Rodriguez 20,607 Dooley 7,293; Dist. 17, Burleson 43,642, Carriker 20,387. Lt. Governor, Smith 1,154,342, Fuentes 300,000. Agriculture Cmsr., White 977,182, Shivers 431,176. Land Cmsr., Sadler 1,032,692, Williams 360,475. Railroad Cmsr., Langdon 884,146, Owens 547,081. Supreme Court, Pope 826,022, McGee 516,359. Republican primary: Presidential, Goldwater 100,823, Lodge 4,858, others 1,106. U.S. Senator, Bush 62,579, Cox 44,079 Cabell Gets His Turn