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after bowling, beer is a natural After you’ve bowled a game or two, or when you’re winding up the evening at the neighborhood bowling center, it’s good to relax with friends and compare scores. What better way to add to the sport and the sociableness than with a refreshing glass of beer? However you take your funskiing, skating, or at your ease in the game roombeer always makes a welcome addition to the party. Your familiar glass of beer is also a pleasurable reminder that we live in a land of personal freedomand that our right to enjoy beer and ale, if we so desire, is just one, but an important one, of those personal freedoms. In Texas … beer goes with fun, with relaxation UNITED STATES BREWERS ASSOCIATION, INC. 905 International Life Bldg., Austin 1, Texas block important measures disapproved by the Invisible House. Homer Rainey once commented that he had never understood why the Big Lobbyists were known as the Invisible House, when their names and faces, haunts and habits, proteges and principals, were better known to politicians, newsmen, and plain residents of Austin than the corresponding facts about any public official except the governor. This comment alone showed why the regents of the University of Texas had found it necessary to discharge Rainey from the presidency of that institution. But Rainey had expressed other dangerous opinions. He saw nothing improper, for example, about Professor Clarence Ayres’ giving an accurate answer, at a luncheon of a downtown service club, to a casual question about Governor O’Daniel’s S.J.R. 12, which embodied a “transactions tax” to finance old age pensions. Dr. Ayres explained that the transactions tax was a general sales tax on which the retailer would make a profit, since he would be paid for collecting it, and that the proposal further included a provision 8 The Texas Observer forbidding forever the adoption of a state income tax. That day a zealous member of a House investigating committee offered to put Ayres through an ordeal similar to a previous hearing of which Dr. Bob Montgomery had been the victim. The legislator’s purpose was, of course, to embarrass Ayres and the university. The result, however, would have been to give widespread publicity to Ayres’ accurate description of S.J.R. 12. This was the last thing the lobbyists wanted. They called the legislator off, and Ayres was not investigated. Rainey, who had just come to the university as its president, made a forthright statement supporting Ayres’ right to answer questions truthfully. Furthermore, Rainey had the foolish notion that the University of Texas medical school should enroll a sufficient number of students to graduate the number of doctors needed by the patients of Texas and not provided by other accredited Texas medica+ schools. After Rainey’s dismissal from the presidency of the University of Texas, he ran for governor. His announcement retired Coke Stevensonthe governor who had acquiesced in his dismissalto private life: those education-hungry farm kids loved Rainey. There followed -a lurid primary battle, with twelve other candidates all opposing Rainey. When the smoke of the runoff primary cleared away, Beauford Jester had been elected governor on part of Rainey’s platform, which he had pirated during the campaign. It had been easy to call Rainey’s proposals socialistic, since in Texas that epithet means the proposal would help somebody who isn’t very influential, or is being offered by somebody who isn’t very influential, or both. From the mouth of Jester the same words had a different sound. He would continue as chairman of the powerful Railroad Commission until he became the governor, and he had so much money or at least his wife didthat it seemed absurd to call him a socialist. So the state educational system was reorganized; school finance, especially teachers’ salaries, made a great leap forward; offices in the state Deniocratic Party were awarded to persons who considered themselves members of the national Democratic Party. Early in his second term Jester dropped dead and the lieutenant governor, Allan Shivers, succeeded him. At the next state convention Shivers demonstrated how ruthlessly he could dispel the impression that he might tolerate management of party machinery or development of legislative policy at the grass roots. Having put the yokels in their place during his first term, he began his second term by calling the Big Lobbyists to the governor’s mansion prior to the legislative session and telling them how much revenue and what kind of tax increases would be needed to make minimum expenditures that would get the “do-gooders” off his back and theirs, by making long overdue reforms in the prison system and the eleemosynary institutions. Shivers’ proposals were followed to the letter by all concerned, including, of course, the legislature, except that the disproportionately small share of the tax burden being carried by the rapidly expanding natural gas industry provoked a picturesque rebellion in the House, led by a blind veteran named Jim Sewell, whose gallant following managed to get a severance tax on natural gas adopted, only to have it later declared unconstitutional. Sewell’s “Gas House Gang” joined the “Immortal 56” of O’Daniel’s time as brave battlers against inequitable taxation in the annals of Texas legislative history. Ralph Yarborough, Shivers’ unsuccessful opponent since 1952, kept denouncing corruption in Shivers’ administration until the Cuero newspaper broke a veterans’ land scandal that sent Land Commissioner Bascom Giles to prison, and the Texas Observer, a liberal weekly published in Austin, broke an insurance scandal that led to a complete reorganization of the insurance commission and other reforms. The governor’s race that year looked like a shoo-in for Yarborough, who had campaigned continuously against Shivers for four years. Then Price Daniel, a former speaker of the Texas House and former attorney general of Texas, with half of his six-year term in the United States Senate