ribly weighty and real-life patriotic themes like Christian Anti-Communism Crusades . . . and the demoralof federal hot-lunch programs . . . and the long struggle to defeat Mayor Cabell’s Urban Renewal schemes. These playlets will be suitable for production at fairs, festivals, style shows, pigeon-hole parking lots, allnight bowling alleys, John Birch pageants and seminars, debutante balls, Cotton Bowl intermissions, civil any public appearances of Billy Jack Hargis, Dr. Fred Schwartz, Dick West, Ray Zauber, Clarence Manion Walker, Gen. Weatherred, John Wayne, George Lincoln Rockwell, Conde McGinley, and Evita Peron. \(Subscribe to the Texas Observer NOW and read Bill Brammer’s thrilling and fateful virginal dramatic effort, “Glooey,” complete with multiITexas Now: Texas New Jo 0 A Special Report Events of the last six weeks characterize a changing state. Texas now is Texas new, the old order is passing away. Whether the new will be good living inthat, for tomorrow. Liberals and Republicans are corning to from their defeats in the November elections to discover to their disbelief or amazement that they are the new antagonists in Texas politics. Integration of the races is proceeding, unremarked, at a rapid rate in this once-Confederate state. Cities of Texas show a certain new vigor in trying to solve what, five years ago, they might not have accepted as problems. Some of the daily newspapers continue, in feature reports and on their editorial pages, to undertake certain respectable causes that neverthe less qualify as crusades. Rightwing forces continue to bug this and that school board and authority. All this is going on amid the indescribable welter of events that make up the news; but once seen, the shape continues to make sense of these events. The Observer has inquired in the five major cities of the Texas urban triangle, San Antonio, Houston, Dallas, Fort Worth, and Austin, for precinct figures that illustrate the political change. They bear out the precarious political position of Gov.-elect John Connally and conservative Democrats generally. Harris County, Houston, is a clear example. Seven large Negro voting boxes can be compared with their political opposites, the six River Oaks boxes and the giant Memorial Drive precinct 265, also silk-stocking. The figures dramatize the basic dilemma of the conservative Democrats: they cannot count on Republicans for votes in November, even for state offices, yet the liberals are liberal. In the seven property-owners’ boxes in Houston, John Connally led Don Yarborough in the primary runoff last June, 2,831 to 647 votes, but in November, Jack Cox beat Connally in these same boxes, 6,767 to 1,565. This turn-about is only slightly less amazing than the voting pattern in the seven Negro boxes. Yarborough beat Connally, 3,349 to 1,544, in June in these boxes, but in November, Connally beat Cox, 8,066 to 307. This patternrepeated with variations in the other major cities to the extent one can find clear instances of alignmentsmakes Connally’s situation obvious. The more he plays to the liberals, the more he loses ground to the Republicans. In the event of a vigorous Republican contest or two in the 1964 primaries, he could disappear into a non-existent middle. The most important consideration nationally is the likelihood of a liberal Democratic presidential convention in Texas in 1964. As to the Houston situation, for example, the seven conservative boxes had 149 delegates at the Democratic county convention of 1962; yet because their Democratic vote dropped so drastically in November, their total delegates in 1964 skid to 63. Meanwhile, the Negroes will hold steady with a slight increase in delegates in the seven test boxes. If this puzzles you, it may be that you are not considering the key fact from which the strength of Democratic factions in the conventions proceeds. An area’s number of delegates is based on its total vote for the Democratic nominee for governor in the last preceding general election. The effect of this can be tested by the precinct returns on file in every county courthouse in Texas. The implications are not lost on the planners in conservative Walter Sterling’s office in Houston. One of them, who does not wish to be named, says that the conservative Democrats’ study shows that, although they had a majority of 288 votes in the 1960 Harris County convention and 337 in 1962, they will lose to the liberals by 656 votes in 1964 if the boxes vote as they did this year. In 1962, Negro precincts had 14.5 percent of the Democrats’ convention delegates; in 1964, they will have 26.3 percent. The political scene is similar in the other cities: In San Antonio, the Light’s Don Politico has discovered that liberal Bexar will have almost as many delegates as conservative Dallas in the 1964 Democratic state convention and that, within Bexar County, “the strength pendulum has swung strongly toward the west and east sides,” where Latin-Americans and Negroes, respectively, are concentrated residentially. The voting strength of the tony Alamo Heights district, says December 27, 1962
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The Texas Rangers are tasked with investigating corruption and crimes by public officials. Those officials are rarely held accountable.