D. FORTY ACRES Too Much, Too Soon? Southern Comfort At Election Time This touched off what is described by Dr. William J. Handy of the English department as the only meeting of the Faculty Advisory Committee, which was selected by McCullough, it was then assumed, to give advice and possibly influence the club’s policy decision. Dr. Clarence L. Cline, also in the English department and a member of the Faculty Advisory Committee who later resigned along with Handy, initiated a discussion of the club’s racial policy, and it was agreed that it would be impossible to urge their associates to join the club if it were segregated. As a result, petitions were circulated by interested faculty members in various departments protesting the club’s segregation. At that time Handy met with Trueman O’Quinn, Austin attorney who was employed by the University as a special advisor to Ransom, and who was thought by several faculty members then and later to be McCullough’s legal representative. O’Quinn later denied he had represented the Forty Acres Club. The meeting was followed by a series of meetings between O’Quinn, Handy, and McCullough, which in turn culminated in a discussion between faculty representatives and O’Quinn, who stated that the club’s policy had been changed, and it would be integrated. Question Resolved ON THE FOLLOWING DAY O’Quinn sent a letter to Roger Shattuck of the French department, one of the negotiators, stating that the club would be integrated. The letter was read aloud by Shattuck at the Faculty Council, and was the go-ahead for professors such as Handy and Cline who were and remain enthusiastic boosters of the club, if it is integratedto write letters to friends encouraging them to join. The integration question seemed resolved. The building was constructed, and this spring the club sent out advertising material to the faculty, using faculty mail facilities and bulletin boards. The first test of the club’s policy caused reverberations clear to Washington, however. On May 26, a six-man team from the Peace Corps arrived in Austin to assess the University as a possible site for a corps training project, involving a $257,513 contract with the University. Dr. Joe Neal of the University’s International Office put in a routine phone call to Handy asking him to arrange meals and lodging for the team, one member of which was a Negro. When the club learned of the latter’s intended presence, Handy was turned down. An attempt simply to use one of the club’s private dining rooms was then turned down. This event, according to a copyrighted story in the June 27 edition of the Houston Chronicle, led to investigations by the corps concerning the official University attitudes toward segregation, e.g., those such as were reflected in the still-pending dorm integration suit filed by Negro students against the University. The Peace Corps consequently awarded the contract to the University of Oklahoma. Soon afterwards several members of the faculty requested O’Quinn to meet with them, and there was hope of confronting McCullough and learning why the abrupt policy change had occurred. McCullough, however, took a trip to Mexico and did not attend the meeting. Another get-together was then scheduled at which McCullough, O’Quinn, and one of the club’s owners were to discuss the matter with the faculty committee, but before it took place McCullough called Handy and said that he had just talked with a Houston Chronicle reporter to whom he had made public the fact that the chib was segregated, and therefore the scheduled meeting was useless. So once more it was called cf. f. Unexplained Change AT THIS POINT HANDY and Cline resigned from the Faculty Advisory Board in protest of the unexplained change in the club’s policy. Both men felt especially strong about the breach of faith because they had promoted the club to friends with the under standing that it would be integrated. They did not resign from the club, however, as they still harbored the hope that, as members, they could help effect a.n eventual policy change. Cline clarified his frequently misinterpreted position to the Observer Tuesday: “As far as I am concerned,” he said, “complete integration of the club was never the issue. Every faculty member I know who was originally connected with the club knew it would not be fully integrated.” By “fully integrated,” Cline meant open to Negro ex-students. He thought it would be open, though, to “occasional distinguished Negro visitors.” He remains in favor of the club, as an ideal place for faculty members to relax and to bring out ot-town guests. If the club were to discard its rigid noNegro policy, he would support it and use its facilities himself. The seats on the board left vacant by Handy and Cline were almost immediately filled by Dr. Paul L. White, director of the University Student Health Center, and Arno Nowotny, Dean of Student Life. Dr. White told the Observer that his acceptance of the position was not an expression of disapproval of his colleagues’ resignation. He was simply asked by McCullough to accept, and he did so. He added that he is not discontent with the club’s segregated policy. Nowotny was equally noncommittal, confessing that he didn’t have any notion of what being on the advisory committee entailed. Enter SDA LAST WEEK ‘what had remained primarily a difference between faculty and club became one involving students as well. Students for Direct Action, whose actions were responsible for the integration of two off-campus theaters in 1961, began picketing the club to protest its relation to SDA cited the proposed use of a club room for a graduate seminar; the entertainment of guests with official University funds; the use of University facilities for club advertising; and the club’s intended role as a University club. The seminar, which government Professor H. Malcolm Macdonald described as simply a “graduate get-together,” was later rescheduled at the Student Union. Concerning the University’s policies of lodging and dining visitors, Ransom said that the choice of where to take them depends mostly on the desires of the guests. The University, however, has no charge account with the club, as it has with other such local establishments. Interviews Refused FOR ITS PART, the Forty Acres Club has remained mute, issuing sparsely-worded policy statements, refusing interviews andup to nowa chance for further negotiations. McCullough was unable to be contacted, while Jim Sawyer, the club’s manager, refused even to show this reporter a copy of the club’s stationery which bears the names of the Advisory Committee. Yet most faculty members who talked to the Observer refuse to give up hope for a reasonable settlement. As one said this week, “We need the club and we believe the club needs us. Our hope is that the owners of it will not take the attitude that we are trying to ruin themwhich would solve nothing. We simply want a club that we can enjoy in good conscience. And a segregated one just won’t do.” C.D. AROUND THE SOUTH LONG, FULBRIGHT, Boggs, Mills, Clement, Faubus These names were in the winners’ columns after Democratic primaries in Tennessee, Arkansas and Louisiana last Week. This means, of course, that they were elected. They are familiar names, nationally, as well as in the South, and internationally in some instances. The average Southern voter demands at least three things of the man he votes for : 1. That his name is familiar. 2. That he has done something specifically for him or a member of his family \(even if makes him feel that he will do something for him personally if called upon.. 3. That he will “stay hitched.” “Staying hitched” appears to be most important to most Southern voters. Each successful Southern politician, therefore, has found a field in which he excells at staying hitched. This is particularly true of Southern congressmen, who know that if they can come home for each campaign with one documented claim to staying hitched it is not likely that their constituents will risk “changing horses in midstream.” If a Southern Congressman can’t f i n d another, there is always “race mixing” and “federal interference” to stand up and be counted against. Less Frustrating AS RAPIDLY as possible, however, the more astute Southerners in Congress latch onto a legislative project less frustrating than fighting the tides of history. With notable exceptions’, most got their jobs by convincing voters they hated Big Government, the Northern Press, Soft Thinking Liberals, and Race Mongers more than their opponents hated them and, if this is their lone claim to fame, they are likely to be defeated soon by fellows \(an exmore “anti” energy than a man who has been in Washington a term or two can generate. Congressmen John Bell Williams and Jamie Whitten of Mississippi are either exceptions to this generality or they are able to maintain enough “anti” steam to carry them through campaign after campaign. Mississippi itself may be the exception, however, for even Orval Faubus was elected to a fifth term as governor of Arkansas last week by switching tactics rather drastically to campaign as a moderate and label his opponentsRep. Dale Alford and former governor Sid McMathas the “extremists.” During the campaign Faubus, elected to a third term after closing Little Rock’s public schools because they were being integrated, called McMath “the candidate of the integrationists” and Alford an “ultra conservative.” The New York Times, reflecting the resignation of most of the nation’s editorial pages, commented: “We must not, of course, underrate Mr. Faubus even though he seemed to be encouraging us to do so several years ago. His record . . . reveals him as a man of versatility and skill.” Results of southern primaries last week include: SENATOR J. WILLIAM FUL-BRIGHT who, as chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Cornmittee, has earned the respect of both parties and become better known abroad than most of his Senate colleagues, won renomination for a fourth six-year term by defeating easily a political unknown, Winston G. Chandler, operator of a Little -Rock trailer convoy firm. Chandler stumped the state denouncing foreign-aid “giveaways.” REP. WILBUR MILLS, also of Arkansas, who, as chairman of the House Committee on Ways and Means, has more influence over the economic affairs of the nation than any other junior Congressman, also won. GILLIS LONG, a cousin of the late Huey Long and double third cousin of Huey’s son, SENATOR RUSSEL LONG, who also was renominated, was nominated for Congress in Louisiana. His victory lessened the mounting pressure on cousin Russell to give up his Senate seat and run for governor in 1964. Russell has been in the Senate almost 14 years and is now third-ranking member of the powerful Senate Finance Committee and sixth-ranking on the Senate Foreign Relations Comlished himself as a unique Long who stays out of the spotlight and generally votes liberal \(not to avoid arguments on Segregation because it is too hot an issue back home to allow him any freedom when discussing it. Gillis Long, an attorney, defeated incumbant Rep. Harold McSween to become an obvious possibility for governor in 1964 in place of Russell. Gillis has said that he “might” be interested in other things “scme.cvhere down the road.” He is said to have the typical flamboyance of what made Huey and Earl almost unbeatable in their day. REPRESENTATIVE HALE BOGGS of Louisiana, a 16-year veteran of Congress, was renominated easily. His and Senator Russell Long’s victories were over rightwing challengers, which indicates how difficult it is to categorize the Southern voter and shows how prone the Southern voter is to vote for veteran incumbant personalities rather than issues. The Exception ALSO IN TENNESSEE there was the exception to the rule and a bit of hopeful news for the New Frontier, which it hasn’t had a lot of lately. Recounts might change the narrow results, but it appeared this week that two veteran Tennessee Congressmen who made opposition to medicare their major campaign issue had been beaten. Pending tabulations this week, Rep. James B. Frazier Jr., seeking his eighth term, lost to newcomer Wilkes Thrasher by 283 votes in the Third Congressional District which includes Chattanooga. And in the Nashville-centered Fifth District, Rep. J. Carlton Loser, seeking his fourth term, lost to State Sen. Richard H. Fulton, by only 46 votes. J.M. Old Administration Building. The bar itself is upholstered in grey and gold leather. Simulated fin du siecle gas lampsa motif which, along with white telephones, is recurrent throughout the buildingprovide the lighting. The Kate Esther Combo nightly entertains the members and guests. Through saloon-type swinging doors one enters the “Men’s Bar,” smaller, more masculine, more intimate than the cocktail lounge. The room is a simulated Old West saloon, featuring a chandelier with marvelous red light bulbs and pictures of cattle on the wall. Next door is another refuge from the fairer sexthe Men’s Poker Room. It too boasts an Old West atmosphere: the wallpaper depicts guns, wagon wheels, and cards. On the third and fourth floors are located the thirty-four hotel rooms for overnight guests. The lowest-priced one is $10 for one person, and the expensive Regents’ and Royal Suites cost $32. The latter is decorated in an amazing combination of green and purple, with a red carpet in the living room. The bed has a huge gilt headboard and a violent red bedspread, while the bedroom walls are purple-and-white striped. Miss Casiri was unable to say whether the Royal Suite was named for Mr. Darrell Royal, or the Regents’ Suite for the Board of Regents. The Ransom Room THE RANSOM ROOM, which we saw next, is definitely named for University Chancellor Harry H. Ransom, who is on the Faculty Advisory Committee. A life-size colored portrait of Ransom hangs on the north wall of the cypresspanelled and -beamed conference room. Rather incongruous in the august surroundings is a brazier table, filled with charcoal briquettes. It is never actually lighted, I was informed.
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