ustxtxb_obs_1962_05_02_50_00008-00000_000.pdf

HOOTON CHALLENGES CASEY Dowdy Faces Tough Fight THE TEXAS HOUSE Three Key Races Pit Incumbents vote and eleven “bad” ones by labor’s standards. This is the principal issue in this East Texas campaign. Benton Musslewhite, former SMU football star, is a native of his region and a vigorous campaigner. He has the sort of religious and civic background that goes down well in East Texas politics; he is from an “old” family. He has been working the district a long time. Dowdy has to be concerned because Crook proved two years ago that hostility toward him is increasing. That was also well before the victory of Kennedy in the general election of November, 1960. Musslewhite has identified himself with the Kennedy Administration. Mtisslewhite has taken the approach that Dowdy is a rubberstamp of Dallas congressman Bruce Alger. This has the double edge of impugning Dowdy’s presentation of himself as a Democrat and latching on to East Texas hostility to Dallas. Musslewhite has been stressing the federal area redevelopment program, a $200 raise in the personal income tax exemption, and an expansion of medical care for the aged while avoiding direct endorsement of Kennedy’s plan. Dowdy, while citing his experience and conservatism, has suggested his opponent is a “Hoffa stooge” and his supporters a “goon squad.” Ads have sought to link Musslewhite to the NAACP. He opposes area redevelopment. He is -running his usual vigorous and hard-hitting campaign. This one is close, but Musselwhite is given a very good chance. Casey-Hooton Bob Casey represents the southern district of Houston. This is the silk-stocking half of that massive urban constituency. Tootcin has challenged Casey on a straight-forward pro-Kennedy basis. This would undoubtedly defeat Casey in a pro-Kennedy constituency; South Houston does not have such a reputation. Casey’s voting record on labor’s list for the 1961 congress: one right vote, eleven wrong \(minimum wage, public housing, federal aid to schools, foreign aid, civil rights, public power, other him in good stead with conservative voters. The question is, how many such voters will be siphoned out of the Democratic primary by the three-way Republican contest for that party’s nomination for the same seat. Saturday was a fairly good example of the shape of their contest: Casey accused Hooton of “riding the coattails” of Ted Kennedy, with whom Hooton went to Harvard. Casey said Hof fa backs Hooten. He said working men will lose ground under foreign aid because of taxes such aid requires. He opposed medical care for the aged on grounds social security taxes will increase. He slapped at Hooton because Hooton’s fatherin-law is Frank Sharp, a Houston millionaire developer. About 100 union members started door-to-door canvassing for Hooton votes. Hooton, speaking at a meeting of the county labor council, accused Casey of duplicating Alger’s voting record. He derided Casey’s opposition to so many government bureaus, saying that “in a war with the communists” some things just can’t be done … regardless of how nice it sounds to talk about reducing spending.” N. E. Coward, secretary-treasurer of Harris County labor, cut at Casey for “the way he has voted.” Hooton could win depending on the size of the vote in the GOP primary, but Casey is a conservative incumbent in a conservative district. Rutherford-Et Al Cong. J. T. Rutherford, El Paso, sent out a letter blasting the John Birch Society. For that he is now paying a priceconservative opposition. In addition, on labor’s 1961 voting record he voted with Kennedy only five times and against him seven. For that he is now also paying a price, Tom Diamond’s opposition. With five Democrats running a runoff appears likely. Diamond has a shot at it. Campaigning with his pretty wife in a Thunderbird, Diamond, an El Paso lawyer, has reportedly gained ground the last two weeks. He advances a Kennedy-line criticism of Rutherford. \(who voted “wrong,” by labor’s lights, on minimum wage, depressed areas, Rutherford catches it from the right wing for voting to pack the rules committee to help Kennedy get his legislation through that traditional bottleneck. As the congressman in Billy Sol Estes’ district, Rutherford also naturally arranged some appointments for Estes with government officials, and that plain fact is not helping him, though no one could say whether it hurts him. Patman-Hall Veteran legislator Wright Patman has voted, of course, with the Kennedy Administration \(10-2 Sam Hall Jr. is opposing him. An altercation in which Hall was reported involved has not helped his candidacy, but stories continue to appear in the Dallas News in which he is chipping away at Patman. He says, for example, Patman votes 80 percent right by ADA standards; charges Patman has Hoffa’s nod; and suggests Patman has a conflict of interest by being a director in a company that is going to operate a barge on the Red River from Denison to New Orleans. Patman is expected to win. Congressman at Large Bean’s campaign statements take on a new coloration in the context of the revelations about his failure to file income tax returns since 1952. He has favored abolishing the at-large position; he is “for the federal government” and medical care for the aged; for the national park at Padre. He was deeply grieved when one of the attorney general’s candidates proposed his opponent take the lie detector test, because, he said tongue in cheek, “It is hitting pretty low when you insist on restricting politicians to the truth in a campaign.” Manley Head, former trucking lobbyist, has made a hard-pushing conservative pitch as a Democrat. He is against “easy-come free spending in Washington.” He favors “getting rid” of Castro. He accused Bean of calling him a “boob” for pushing Texas tourism and said if he was a boob for doing it so were a lot of distin.’ guished Texans on the Texas Tourist Council. He thinks Texas should have the world’s fair in ten years. Austin Democrat, Russell T. Van Keusen, has opposed socialistic planning and wants war with Cuba. Warren G. Moore of Tyler has campaigned from a pro-Kennedy stance. The Tyler attorney supports “such financial assistance to our friends and peace loving nations as we can afford”; “ade quate medical care for our senior citizens”; against the steel price increase; for a gradual decrease in the national debt; for an increase in the federal personal income tax exemption from $600 to $1,000 a year and for a doubling of the $600 exemption for parents with college students. The Republicans have had a well-publicized contest for their nomination for this at-large seat. Thad Hutcheson of Houston, a respected leader of the party, has become state chairman for Desmond Barry of Houston, a truck line owner, has distributed literature bearing, not his picture, but Hoffa’s, and quoting Hoffa saying of him, “He must not be elected.” Other Republicans: Joe Phillips, Lubbock, who wants the’ U.S. to withdraw from the U.N., opposes a park on Padre, and is “unalterably opposed to . . . dissolving our armies”; and Giles Miller, Dallas, who favors local administration of charity and opposes taxes financing “socialist schemes all over the world.” Other Democrats seeking the seat are Joe Pool, Dallas, for the depletion allowance, the invasion of Cuba, against federal aid to education but for a $1,000 exemption for a child in college; and Phil Willis, Dallas, who has said “We must eliminate racial problems and all be Americans first” and favors foreign aid to “proven allies.” COPE’s Positions Texas labor’s Committee on Political Education has backed Bean, Brooks, Beckworth, Bryant, Musselwhite, Albert Thomas of Houston, Homer Thornberry of Austin, Diamond, and Hooten. George Meany, national labor president, asked for an endorsement for Clark -Thompson because of Thompson’s position on the rules committee \(a contact from the ,White House has been considered substantial segments of labor in Galveston, including the NMU nd Tex George, back Simpson. The local caucus could not agree, and state COPE therefore has no choice but to keep hands-off. The Rundown Candidates \(“D” means in the Democratic primary; “R,” the ReDist. 1: Cong. Wright Patman and Sam Hall Jr., D; James A. Timberlake, R. Dist. 2: Cong. Jack Brooks, Earl Stover, W. S. Martin, Jr., D.; Roy James, R. Dist. 3: Cong. Lindley Beckworth, D.; William Steger and M. J. Harvey, R. Dist. 4: Cong. Ray Roberts, D.; Conner Harrington, R. Dist. 5: Baxton Bryant and Bill Jones, D.; Cong. Bruce Alger, R. Dist. 6: Cong. Olin Teague, D. Dist. 7: Cong. John Dowdy and Benton Musselwhite, D.; Raymond Ramage, R. Dist. 8: Cong. Albert Thomas, D.; J. P. Ferris, R. Dist. 9: Cong. Clark Thompson, Bronco Popovich, Jim Simpson, Austen Furse, D.; Dave Oaks, R. Dist. IO: Cong. Homer Thornberry and Paul Stimson, D.; Jim Dobbs and Hal Hendrix, R. Dist. 11: Cong. Bob Poage, D. Dist. 12: Cong. Jim Wright, D.; Del Barron, R. Dist. 13: Cong. Graham Purcell, D.; Joe Meissner, R. Dist. 14: Cong. John Young, D. Dist. 15: ‘Cong. Joe Kilgore, D. Dist. 16: Cong. J. T. Rutherford, Tom Diamond, W. D. Kelly, Dudley Mann, Robert Frias, D.; Ed Foreman, R. Dist. 17: Cong. Omar Burleson, D. Dist. 18: Cong. Walter Rogers, D.; Jack Seale, R. Dist. 19: Cong. George Mahon, D.; Dennis Taylor, R. Dist. 20: Cong. Henry Gonzalez, D. \(There is talk of a write-in for Dist. 21: Cong. Clark Fisher, D.; Ed Mayer, R. Dist. 22: Cong. Bob Casey and Claude Hooton Jr., D.; Ross Baker, Mrs. Julia Anderson Barnhart, and Joe Poindexter, R. R.D. AUSTIN The Texas House of Representatives, noted for its huge turnover every two years, will have an unusually large one this time. At least 45 changes are assured in the lower house as the result of retirement and redistricting fights. The extent of political activity this year can be seen in the figures. In 1960, 39 House members were unopposed; in 1958, 56. In 1962 only 14 incumbents have no opposition in either primary. The 1961 House was controlled and “organized”organized in the limited one-party sense by a liberal-moderate coalition which elected James Turman speaker. The key committees, for the first time in years, were dominated by members of that victorious coalition. Conservatives were in a minority on all key committees. But the victorious coalition of January became a splintered, quarrelsome group of warring tribes by the summer, and on the general sales tax, the major issue of the session, it increasingly divided against itself and was eventually defeated on the very issue against which it was unofficially committed. With the retirement of so many incumbents and with such a large number of races in the offing, it is practically impossible to foresee in advance any conservativeliberal trends. Liberals are hoping the sales tax and two or three other questions will help bring about noticeable gains. Conservatives at the end of the last session were confident they would be able to reverse the gradual liberal advances of reecnt years. There is an additional consideration. The balance of power in the traditionally conservative state Senate \(see very well swing to the liberals and moderates in this election. Conservatives in Houston and other areas have been warning voters the House had better be conservative this year or else. The race for the speakership rests squarely on Saturday’s primary and the run-off. Reps. Alonzo Jamison of Denton, a moderate liberal, Byron Tunnell of Tyler, a staunch conservative, Ben Glusing of Kingsville, a conservative, and C. W. Pearcy of Temple, a middle-roader, have for months been campaigning for pledges. The outcome of key races this month and next will shape the course of that crucial battle. Bellwether Races Three races, matching incumbents who were placed in the same districts after the House redistricting shuffle, bear close watching because of their execptionally meaningful ideological divisions. These three elections could very well be bellwethers. Rep. Ronald Roberts of Hillsboro, a liberal whose labor voting record in the last session was 16 “good” and five “bad” and business record seven “good” and 28 “bad”, faces Rep. Paul Curington of Corsicana, a conservative with four “good” and 17 “bad” as rated by labor and 30-4 by the TMA, in a key battle for re-election in District 42. Rep. Scott Bailey of Cisco, a liberal with an 18-3 labor and 4-30 busines rating, meets Rep. Wayne Gibbens of Breckenridge, a conservative scored 3-18 by labor and 34-1 by business. Rep. Dan Struve of Campbellton, a liberal with an 18-3 labor and a 5-30 TMA vote, is matched against Rep. Jerry Butler of Kenedy, scored 3-18 by labor and 35-2 by business. This is a bitter fight, and the lines are so tautly drawn between the two incumbents that a third candidate, Fennon Moore of North Pleasanton, might sneak into a run-off against one of them. The sales tax issue is important in all three of these redistricting fights. Eyes on Houston In other redistricting races, Rep. Bob Bass of DeKalb faces George McCoppin of Texarkana, Rep. Steve Burgess of Nacogdoches goes against Rep. Bob Fairchild of Center, and Rep. Ben Barnes of Comanche takes on Rep. Bill Moore of Ballinger. In Harris County, with its large bloc of 12 seats in the 150-member House, liberal-conservative battles are being waged for every place. In 1958 the liberals practically swept the slate, . but their gains were reversed two years later and only liberals Bob Eckhardt, Charlie Whitfield, and moderate Criss Cole survived. This time, with much depending on the vote turnout in the GOP prierals have high hopes of taking at least eight of the 12 seats. There are practically no ideological divisions in the races for the nine House seats from traditionally conservative Dallas. The candidates are so much in the conservative mold, in fact, that the Dallas News hal listed as acceptable virtually all the candidates