EXERCISE YOUR RIGHT TO VOTE! PAY YOUR POLL TAX Before Jan. 31, 1962 1-Arr CALL. PAY YOUR POLL TAX 4″x7′,4″ 10″x12″ Bumperstrips Placards 10,000 170.00 … 138.00 1,000 17.50 … 15.00 500 9.00 … 7.75 100 2.00 … 1.75 50 1.10 … .95 Or 2 for .25 Plus self-addressed stamped envelope. \(With Union , Prices on larger quantities or other materials on request. Send order with cash, check, or money order to: Futura Press, Inc. Box 3485 Austin 13, Texas BUMPERSTRIPS PLACARDS Times-a-wastin’get your order in today. Bumperstrips: white letters, black background, genuine \(peelletters, white tag stock. Promptly! 81 MILLION POUNDS OF FREE FOOD Texans Give Little, Take Lot STRICKLAND TO GOP Walker to Run? \(Continued from Page the main reason for this contradiction of the state old age aid program. During the last decade, state old age aid recipients in Texas have decreased slightly in number and increased 63c ,;in amount, while social security beneficiaries in Texas have increased six times in number and eleven times in amount. The proportion of aged Texans receiving social security benefits has grown from 13% in 1950 to 53% in 1961. The average grant under the state program for 222,296 aged recipients in 1961 was $52.81 \(42nd in in Texas was between $5 and $68 per month. The Texas program cost $140 million, three-fifths of it federal money. During an average month in 1961, 6,394 Texans received aid to the blind grants of $58.44 \(42nd in million, three-fifths of it federal. The program for permanently and totally disabled, initiated in 1957, continued to increase, 7,138 persons receiving an average of Two-thirds of this $4.6 million program was financed by the federal government. Specialized case workers for dependent children, the report said, were selected and assigned in 1960 and were able, in the one year 1961, to “meet and overcome some of the many problems facing aid-todependent-children families and thereby produced a marked reduction in the number of families and children on the rolls of that program at the end of that year.” The decrease, 17%, “represented those cases in which the problems were not compounded or deeprooted and which were amendable to short term casework service.” Aid to dependent children in Texas was a $17 million program, more than four-fifth of the money coming from the U.S. Treasury. The average monthly payment was $75.18 per family, a $4 increase over 1960 \(but still 45th in the The Departmeht of Public Welfare provided child welfare services beyond mere grants to 1,205 families. representing 2,834 children in 1961. These cases were referred to the department by public officials, interested individuals, other state agencies, school officials, and others. More than half of the children who received these special welfare services were living in their own homes. One out of four was being taken care of in a foster home \(a boarding home, an adoption home, One out of ten was living with relatives; one out of 20 was in an institution. The department used and supervised 427 foster homes with a maximum capacity of 873 children as of the end of 1961. In fiscal 1961, the state department received 7,000 petitions for the adoption of more than 8,000 children. It is interesting that 82% of the applications requested English-speaking white children; 9% Negro children; 8%, Spanishspeaking white children; and the rest, Oriental or not specified. In all, Texas public assistance programs for fiscal 1961 cost $172,811,169, 28% of it state, the rest federal money. 81 Million Pounds The federal surplus foods program continued to expand at a very rapid pace. It is almost incon ceivable, but 80,845,687 pounds of these commodities were received and distributed in Texas in 1961. Their wholesale value was $19,823,222. The state’s cost in distrib Name Address City, State Send $5.10 to: THE TEXAS OBSERVER 504 West 24th St., Austin, Texas uting them was $238,000, a cost ratio to the wholesale value of 1.2%. “Items available for distribution during 1961,” said the report, “consisted of canned applesauce, 9inned apricots, canned green beans, frozen ground beef, canned beef and gravy, canned cherries, frozen chicken, .canned corn, canned grapefruit sections, canned peaches, canned tomatoes, frozen turkey, pea beans, small red beans, peanut butter, processed cheese, date pieces, dried eggs, lamb carcasses, lard, canned chopped meat, rolled oats, canned olives, canned pork and gravy, butter, cornmeal, flour, dry milk, and rice.” Almost one million Texans received these surplus foods in 1961. School children were most of the million: 715,670 of them received the federal foods, mostly in school lunches. However, the number of needy citizens who were served under the program through city or county welfare agencies increased almost 50% from 142,913 in 1960 to 211,729 in 1961. The number of cities or counties running programs of surplus distribution increased from 70 in 1960 to 88 in 1961. Only about 38,000 persons in Texas institutions of human care benefited from the distributions. Reasons for Denials The department watch-dogs the various public assistance programs and terminated or denied a number of recipients’ payments during the year for a variety of reasons. In all the state conducted 375,000 public assistance investigations in fiscal 1961, in addition to about 408,000 re-investigations. Illustrative reasons given for termination of grants: “excess resources,” earnings, receipt of a benefit or a pension, decreased financial needs \(especially deients admitted to institutions. The stiffness of the state’s standards may be deduced from the statistics on aid to dependent children applications in fiscal 1961. While 8,242 were being granted, 13,351 were being “denied or otherwise disposed of.” Don’t Call Names Senator Advises WASHINGTON Sen. John Tower, speaking to 500 conservatives this week at a political action conference sponsored by the Washington newsletter Human Events, advised that demagoguery and name-calling be left to the liberals and warned that to be effective politically, conservatives should work at the precinct and block level within the framework of an established party. America, Tower said, is experiencing a resurgence of conservatism, partly because of increasing political maturity and sophistication. “We must appeal to their reason,” he said. “We can’t get our message across by shouting slogans and calling everyone who disagrees with us comLiberals have been shrewder politicians than conservatives, he said, but he added: “We make a mistake when we resort to the same emotionalism and demagoguery they do.” Tower said the real threat to the nation comes, not from known communists, but from liberals who are “too visionary and too utopian.” The Democratic Party, he said, is owned by the liberals “lock, stock. and barrel.” THE TEXAS OBSERVER Page 2 Jan. 13, 1962 go0 John Connally, several times a key lieutenant in Lyndon Johnson campaigns, said this week he has not asked Johnson to get campaign for governor. Connally said he would kick off his campaign with a banquet and statewide telecast in Houston Jan. 19. In Corpus Christi, Connally said the state schools need better professors to lure industry. He said if he were governor he would improve the “economies and efficiencies” of the state agencies. In Washington, Henry B. Gonzalez of San Antonio was sworn in as congressman and immediately introduced legislation that would pave the way for a constitutional amendment to outlaw the poll tax. Political Intelligence V Sen. David Ratliff of Stam ford said this week he would seek re-election. Truett Latimer of Abilene, now in the Texas House of Representatives, announced he would oppose Ratliff. Dallas Perkins, mayor of Impact \(the little town that is trying to go will also be in the race. . . . George Corse, the man who got his job as county school superintendent of Young County abolished, is running against Sen. George Moffett of Chillicothe. In Washington, Sen. Ralph Yarborough again refused to tell reporters whether or not he would run for governor, but he did say “when it comes to dealing with human problems we are one of the most laggard states in the union” and “a corporation-dominated legislature has held Texas down all these years.” ior In Lamesa, Atty. Gen. Will Wilson, a candidate for governor, told the West Texas chapter of the journalistic fraternity Sigma Delta Chi “most of the power and money will be arrayed against me” . . . “because so much of our economic power is now oriented toward Washington, and you may rest assured that everyone who can be dragged in line by LBJ will be told to join in lock step behind the Washington candidate, John Connally.” In Washington, Walter Tro han, Chicago Tribune newsman, said flatly that Edwin A. Walker, the ultra-conservative who resigned from the Army because he had circulated red, white and Birch material among his troops, will seek the Democratic nomination for governor of Texas. Walker later said the reports of these ambitions were “news to me.” The Tribune story made something of a splash in Texas, the Fort Worth Star -Telegram playing it under a page one banner. por Houston petroleum geologist engineer Thomas W. Walker announced his candidacy for the Texas railroad commission, saying his object is to save the Texas oil industry from being ruined by foreign imports. He said if the imports were cut back, the resulting rejuvenation of the state’s economy would be sufficient to do away with the sales tax. frit Under the head “Titans Gone: Texas Faces Lean Years in Congress,” the Dallas Morning News’ Washington bu reau chief, Robert Baskin, lament ed in a front-page story: “Were it not for Johnson” \(that is, the residue of his influence, despite his having moved out of the Sen ally no effective voice in the Sen ate. The state’s senior senator, Ralph Yarborough, has acquired no noticeable stature in his three years in the upper body. He has spread himself thin, serving on three committees, and has negated much potential influence through sporadic sniping at Johnson and several Texas members of the House.” To Baskin, things looked no better in the House: “The Texas House delegation is now leaderless. Its senior member, Wright Patman of Texarkana, is not able to assume Rayburn’s mantle, although he and other liberals appear determined to dominate the affairs of the delegation. A conservativevs.-liberal battle for supremacy seems inevitablea thing that Rayburn always was able to prevent. “Washington is going to be a different world for Texans from now on. It will be a world dominated by the Democratic Party but with decreasing interest in Texas affairs and problems. This could bring on a day of political reckoning in which the Republican Party will benefit.” fr o Waggoner Carr, Lubbock at torney, former speaker of the Texas House, now candidate for attorney general, told the Junior Chamber of Commerce in Houston that by the year 2000 about 70 percent of the state’s population will live in the four largest metropolitan centers Houston, Dallas, Fort Worth, and San Antoniowith a resulting increase in juvenile delinquency. He said that in recent years, because of urbanization, juvenile crime has gone up 175 percent while the youth population has gone up only 35 percent. g o lif In San Antonio, former state
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