ustxtxb_obs_1961_08_18_50_00001-00000_000.pdf

uniA111 111C47 norm I 10 The Texas Observer An Independent-Liberal Weekly Newspaper A Window to the South Volume 53 TEXAS, AUGUST 18, 1961 15c per copy Number 20 AUSTIN Lt. Gov. Ben Ramsey, whose friendship for the major oil companies has characterized his terms as president of the Senate, will now have his say on the regulation of the oil and gas industry as a member of the Texas Railroad Commission. Ramsey was appointed Thursday by Gov. Price Daniel to fill the vacancy created by the death of commissioner Olin Culberson in June. He will serve as an appointed member of the commissibn until the general election next year, when he must run for the remaining two years of Culberson’s unexpired term. Commissioners William J. Murray and Ernest 0. Thompson welcomed Ramsey to the commission. Murray, chairman of the commission, said it would be a “privilege to serve with the distinguished lieutenant governor.” Thompson congratulated Daniel for choosing Ramsey over French Robertson of Abilene, who was regarded as a strong candidate for the appointment, and had support from many independent oilmen. It has been no secret that Thompson was working hard behind the scenes for Ramsey’s appointment. The executive board of the Texas Independent Producers and Royalty Owners Association, meeting in Austin the day of the appointment, had no immediate comment on Ramsey’s appointment. Daniel confirmed his choice of the lieutenant governor a few hours after the two other commissioners again voted to hold Texas’ daily oil allowable to an eight-day ‘production pattern. Ramsey’s appointment was effective immediately. It broke the strongest hold on the state Sen ate in Texas. history. The Senate under Ramsey’s leadership has long shied away from taxes aimed at big interestate oil and gas companies and has repeatedly shifted the revenue burden to the producers. Sen. Bruce Reagan of ‘Corpus Christi, one of Ramsey’s team and president pro-tern of the Senate, will serve as presiding officer until another special session is called or until the next election. If another special session is called as Daniel has promised, the race for president pro-tern is not expected to ibe the cut-and-dried election of the past few years. Recently, Senate protocol has permitted senators to serve as president pro-tern on the basis of their seniority in the. upper chamber. The lone exception was Sen. Doyle Willis of Fort Worth, who was repeatedly by-passed for the job until the short, four-day seeond special session when he was elected to get him out of the way. Willis was permitted to be “governor for a day” for a few hours this past weekend. His reward was a dinner at the mansion, not the usual downtown hotel celebration and the expensive gifts. Ramsey’s shift to the railroad commission should turn the campaign for lieutenant governor into a wide-open race. Sen. Crawford Martin of Hillsboro said he would seek the post if Ramsey didn’t run. Sens. Martin Dies Jr. of Lufkin, Ray Roberts of ‘McKinney and Preston Smith of Lubbock also eye the post. So does Speaker James A. Turman, who has announced to practically everybody but the public, that he is a candidate for lieutenant governor. Don Yarborough, the young Heated Exchanges On Elections. Bill, But It Succeeds AUSTIN ‘Prompted by the occurrence of two congressional vacancies at the conclusion of the current session of Congress, the Texas House voted on the final day of the second called session for a new version of the old Pool Bill. By an 84-42 vote, the House joined the Senate in providing for run-offs in special congressional elections. The Senate had passed the measure the preceding Saturday, 16-13. Filing fees in special races were hiked from $5 to $500 in counties with populations. of 500,000 and over. This would include Bexar County, where Sen. Henry B. Gonzalez has already announced for the vacancy which will be created when Cong. Paul Kilday resigns. Originally the House had voted for a bill which would also require run-offs in special races for the legislature. Most of the pressure, however, seemed to be centered on the congressional aspect, and the weary House was quick to compromise on the issue and adopt the Senate version. The other congressional seat up for grabs will be that of Cong. Frank Ikard of Wichita Falls. But most concern has been expressed over the San Antonio situation where Republican County Chairman John Goode has already announced as an opponent of Gonzalez. Some -observers say that the increased filing fee there will eliminate the possibility of too many Gonzalezes running in the special election. Charges of pressure from Washington on the measure were exchanged in the final hours. Cong. Bruce Alger of Dallas accused ‘Speaker Sam Rayburn of calling the shots for the bill and said that he was “amazed at such a brazen assertion of dictatorial exercise of authority.” AUSTIN The president of a Marshall college blamed by the House General Investigating Committee for “communist-type” sitin demonstrations told the Observer Friday that the legislative investigators had not asked him to testify, had not asked any of his faculty to testify, and “so far as I know” had not asked any Negro to give information about the socalled “subversive” de-segregation efforts in Texas. Dr. Milton K. Curry, president of Bishop College, recently moved from Marshall to Dallas, added that the Dallas Newswhich gave the report a ‘banner headline “SitIns at Marshall Laid to Red Groups”had not contacted him for his opinion of the committee’s report. “It is completely false,” he said, “to suppose that de-segregation activities are communist activities. We never had any communist activities on our campus. I think The investigation they have made is unworthy of any group or any individual.” Looking back at the 1960 Marshall sit-in demonstrations and at more recent organized protests against racial segregationsuch as the efforts to integrate motion picture theaters near the University of Texasthe House investigating committee this week made public its fears that racial “agitation” in Texas is frequently directed by persons “taking orders from Moscow.” All Conservatives The investigating committee was composed of Reps. Menton J. Murray, McAllen; Tom James, Dallas; Lloyd Martin, Normangee; Charles L. Ballman, Borger, and John Allen, Longviewall politi cal conservatives and appointees of former House Speaker Waggoner Carr. Martin authored a resolution during the regular session commending the U.S. House UnAmerican Activities Committee and authored a bill cracking down on sit-inners, but it did not pass. Ballman shaped some of the most biting questions asked of witnesses who appeared against the so-called Atheist Bill in the regular session. James, an all-but-announced candidate for the office of attorney general, has spearheaded a vice crusade for several months. These legislators, who said they conducted their investigation with the aid of Department of Public Safety undercover officers, said that the de-segregation agitators are “fomenting class warfare in America as a prelude to conquest,” and that “a sinister radicalism is being injected into the very fiber of the multitude of students, the majority of whom do not even realize how they are being used by clever subversives.” How, according to the investigating committee, do the “clever subversives^ operate? The report explains: “The communist party gives those considered useful the ‘red carpet’ treatment, including invitations to predominantly white functions, liquor and a selected group of white women. . . .” Aspirants Eye the Vacancy Choice Position . Goes to Ramsey Conservative Panel Cites Agitators Probers Say Reds Instigated Sit-Ins After Battle: What the Future Holds for Labor \(This is the concluding installment of a series on the Galveston GALVESTON The delegates were generally indignant about the main convention. Elro Brown of the oilworkers said “Robber’s Rules of Order,” not Roberts’, were in play. Another oilworker said they were Ronnie Dugger being “steamrollered.” Grandy said they were “getting scalped” and that all the AFL wanted was “a license to raid you.” “When we married these people we realized she wasn’t a virgin,” Grandy said. “But nobody realized what a degenerate old whore she was.” The delegates deferred the issue of, four-cent monthly dues. After protracted discussion of various proposals that Schmidt be run for president with or without a running mate, the conference decided \(Schmidt concurring by test they knew they would lose. Schmidt opposed a suggestion they fight the credentials question further. He said credentials had been piled in late, and the staff could not sort them out in the time left. “We’re confronted with something that’s already accomplished. You’re mouse-trapped right now.” “Bear-trapped,” someone said. The next day, the credentials committee made a surprise concession, proposing no convention votes for nine locals which affiliated after the end of the fiscal year. Schmidt agreed, but angrily charged there were other locals in this category that were not included in the motion and other rules that were being broken. “It’s a crying shame the way this whole thing happened,” he said. “This is an improper way and a loose and I think a harmful way to handle the democratic process,” an illustration, he said, of ‘why a “jointly responsible executive” is important. He said a list of the new delegates he had yielded to Jack Martin of the San Antonio trades council had “somehow been lost.” Grandy again insisted on his question about fractional votes for locals that had not paid their full last year’s per capita tax. Brown, saying the question was now germane, ruled in favor of Grandy and instructed that votes be allotted accordingly. Brown a few moments later said with exasperation that challenged delegates had been esti mated from 16,000 to 26,000. He said anyone with a challenge could take it to the credentials committee: “Would you permit a roll call vote excluding locals in question?” Schmidt asked him. “Contested by who?” Brown asked. “By me.” “By you. Now we’re gettin’ to the meat of the coconut. Name the local union and I shall be pleased to cite whether this local shall have a vote.” Pressed by Schmidt further, Brown ruled that any local exonerated by the executive board could vote. Had a Bellyful Just before noon the third day, Brown again spoke out from the chair. “No dilatory motions shall be entertained,” he said. “The chair believes we’ve had just about all. the parliamentary maneuvering that he believes is essential to this convention, and we will proceed with full dispatch. No more parliamentary inquiries about what, if, or suppose. . . . I think most of the delegates here have just about had a bellyful of maneuvers.” Many tiresome wrangles occurred during the final approval of the roll call. Union locals had been put in the wrong town, given inaccurate votes, or left out; the indicated changes were made. Brown at one point said angrily to some delegates moving out of the hall, “Now let’s don’t leave the hall or we might cram something down your throat while you’re gone.” The roll call proceeded. Brown was sustained, 114,617 to 57,347. To the press, Brown said: “There was never any question in my mind the convention by two-thirds majority would sustain my position. No organization in the world can function as a twoheaded animal.” He believed labor would close ranks now for “a strong, ambitious program” that would go into effect “with or without” the four cents monthly dues increase he was asking. There were, he said, “other ways to raise money,” such as contributions and voluntary assessments. “It’s not hard. It just puts more of the load on the two thirds.” Brown was elected president unanimously. Billy Owens, president of autoworkers’ local 893 in Grand Prairie, nominated Evans secretary-treasurer. Evans, said Owens, comes from “a rising new generation of unionists.” He was among the first taking the lead to organize his