lr”41′,/ As A :t .A ALPACA, H. L. HUNT’S WOOLY UTOPIA ALPACA, by H. L. Hunt, H. U Hunt Press, Dallas 1, Texas, 1960 \(Spanish edition available, March, AUSTIN -What would America be like i f. H. L. Hunt could buy it? He has told US. When the billionaire Dallas oilman daddied “Facts Forum” and Dan Smoot, and now again when he is, paying for Rev. Wayne Poucher’s “Life Line,” he has had them celebrate “The American Constitution.” That was window dressing. He wants not democracy, not aristocracy, not meritocracy, but Cashocracy. His excellence is money and his test of worth is wealth. He has written \(and had ghostlionaires’ Utopia. He printed it himself and sells it as a novel for fifty cents. The price of the book is its only democratic feature. In Alpaca there are no political speeches, politicians cannot belong to political parties or “thought groups,” and criticism of government is barred from radio, TV, and the theater. The richer you are, the more votes you get, and you can also buy extra votes, if you have the money. If you get state aid because you are poor or sick, you cannot vote at all, and you’re cut off from the old age pension. Public assemblies of more than 200 people are forbidden. If you are “paid funds” from the government, you can be fired as soon as you are accused of disloyalty or temperamentalism,’ and you “would not be deemed innocent until proven guilty,” in Mr. words. Why junk the American Constitution and the Bill of Rights? For “peace,” says Mr. Hunt, “and the greatest freedom consistent with organized society.” “To operate successfully,” Hunt writes, “a government must have a ruling class far above the average of its citizenry. The average, and particularly the lover class, of its citizenry are incapable of inefficiently conducting their own a f fairs.” The American custom of one man, one vote, Hunt smashes to the mat “on the theory that, in a government based on fairness and justice what is good for the possessor of the greatest wealth in the nation is good for the poorest citizen or the citizen in any degree of prosperity between the extremes.” Academic Life people. It usually takes a combination of such personality traits with academic unorthodoxy to make a problem case.” How remarkably simple cases of academic freedom become : professors who are “deviants” bring all their troubles upon themselves. Administrators need not, after crushing academic freedom, have guilty consciences it is probably an impossibility anyway, as it is commonly agreed that most university administrators have resigned from the human raceeven though in 1937, at least, one professor could not “recall a single celebrated case defended by the A.A.U.P. who ever got another university job.” We can only wail with Job, “And lost eyes . . . and bringest me into judgment with thee?” BUT COULD IT BE possible, :to paraphrase Thoreau, that the university does not know its friends from its foes ? Could it be that the mavericks are actually the most desirable faculty members and the “normies” \(I am surprised Wilson are the undesirables? Could it be that there is more to the academic world than dreamt of in Dr. Wilson’s sociology ? GEORGE HENDRICKS THE TEXAS OBSERVER Page 5 March 4, 1960 This curious coincidencethat the first or second richest man in America believes that the richest man in America is the Most important man in Americaleads one to inquire how manyother of Alpaca’s ‘provisions happen to work to H. L. Hunt’s financial advantage. Since he is one of the ten percent who pay the highest taxes he would get seven votes. He would collect about four more votes for waiving certain payments from the government. He says he would pay the extra cash needed to buy two more votes, so he would have 13 votes in his ideal society. And so would everybody else with lots of money. Tax-exempt foundations, through which Hunt has financed “Facts Forum,” would be outlawed, “except solely” those which advance “public enlightenment to promote personal initiative and individual liberty.” No more Ford Foundation ; just Facts Forum. ” . . . the power to tax shall never jectives, or transform society in any manner . The depletion allowance is neatly provided for by the Constitution. The income tax could go no higher than 25 percent, which is preferable, Mr. Hunt believes, to the 91 percent he pays. The sales tax could ever go higher than 100 percent. As an employer, Mr. Hunt would be, he promises, good to his workers, and his legislature would be prevented by his Constitution from enacting any legislation giving a worker “a, property right in employment,” “unemployment insurance,” “a right to adverse occupancy of his employer’s property,” or “a guaranteed wage for a future period of time.” Undesirables in government have already cost Mr. Hunt untold buckets of gold to finance propaganda against them, so he would provide the necessary antidotes in the Constitution. Each branch of government would have an investigating committee of nine people. The committees could fire any government worker or call an election to replace any elected official. “They may consider,” says the Alpacan Constitution, “the health, habits, competency, of ficiency, derelictions, temperament, and integrity . . . but . . . shall not pUblicize their reasons . . . The Investigating Committee shall not deem any person being paid funds from the Government innocent until proven guilty . . .” When they asked him, in Dallas, during his autograph party, if he expected to make any money out of his book’s sale, Hunt replied, “Yes. Everything I do, I do for profit. The profit motive is deeply imbedded in me.” Evidently this is true ; and encompasses, not only his business activities,. but the formation of his highest ideals. H E IS A KIND FACED MAN, in the picture on the back of his book, and he proceeds in his literary venture with an engaging sincerity which will deceive no one but himself. His hero, Juan, Achala, is “moderately wealthy” and is loved by all because of “his proud athletic bearing, his air of inborn courtesy unmarred by hauteur, his flashing eyes beneath shapely brows, and his magnificent even white teeth . . .” His heroine, whose’. name is “Mara HaM,” burns arias from Faust in a voice which has “that tantalizing warm quality, with the sweetness of a Strad in the hands of a master . . .” The courtship opens on ship deck one romantic night, just after “ruby and opal lights from the sunset quivered on wind-vexed waves,” when Juan asks Mara Hani, “Are you interested in government ?” He follows her to Paris, where she is such an operatic sensation, “the roof fell in, figuratively speaking.” ‘We proceed then with alternations between the fairy tale and the terms of the Constitution of Alpaca. As the plot thickens, the lovers marry, and both work hand in hand for the Alpaca Plan. The next to last chapter, reinforcing the love interest, celebrates the American Constitution, with an incidental plug for “Life Line,” Rev. Poucher’s modern-day Anti-Federalist Papers. In the climax, in which the complex threads of the narrative are woven into a tapestry of thematic consummations, we are given the text \(“The Supreme Court shall from time of the Constitution of Alpaca. One would think that with two billion dollars, Mr. Hunt could have hired a better ghost writer. His book’s proof that he did not is its principal contribution to faith in the human race. THE GOVERNMENT Mr. Hunt has been trying to sell Americans all these years is a selection of features from the welfare state \(old mocracy \(elections are held, but no \(the idea that the more taxes you pay, the more votes you get is a variation on nations controlled by a church in which a person’s gifts to the church the investigating committees, purging people on accusation and assuming them guilty until they are proven guilty ; the anti-labor constitution, coupled with extra votes for wealth ; the provision that people can also get extra votes if their corporations pay high of as “fascist democracy,” if you could stand the words side by side. First the elections are rigged for the rich. All but the poor are represented, but the richest are represented the most. The delegates elected by the votes of the voters are then filtered through “a pyramidal system of colleges of delegates.” The final process of electing the legislators and the three presidents is called “a tranquil weighing of the best against the second best.” To quote Hunt, the graduated voting system was settled on because it favors “the larger taxpayers who in effect are the largest stockholders in the national entity” \(government is a corporation : votes a c c or ding to Mr. Hunt opposes either educational or sanity tests for voters. It is well known that Hunt is one of those selfmade men who did not get very far in school. Accordingly, in Alpaca, it is noted that “many men and women with little formal schooling have shown a high degree of statesmanship.” As for his permitting mental cases to vote, Mr. Hunt explains, “Mental patients . . . would probably vote as sensibly as the average in suffrage counties have been voting and besides, ‘”it is well known that persons affected mentally are not necessarily unwise because with their aberration they develop a sixth sense which gives them an insight beyond that of the normal person who has the usual five senses of perception.” Should *.Mr. Hunt wish to seek office in Alpaca, he would be spared contact with the lower classes who vote like lunatics. Candidates would be WASHINGTON In ordinary political years the notion that Lyndon B. Johnson, with his ties to Texas oil and gas interests, would seriously be considered as a candidate for President would bring scorn from the sophisticated and derision from the back-room bosses. But this is not an ordinary political year for either party. The general assumption that a man of Richard Nixon’s slipperiness would also be regarded as virtually a shoo-in for his party’s nomination is just additional proof that the public is in a don’t-care mood. . Johnson’s associates are using the time-tried methods of “something for everyone” to line up delegates. But being practical men they tend to employ a low level in gauging what men in politics want. In at least one instance 1 am not prepared to say they are misjudging the character of the men with whom they are dealing. forbidden by law from making speeches to the people, and legislators could communicate with them only in writing. Criticism of the government would be confined to the printed word, so the rabble wouldn’t get worked up. Then, you see: , “Citizens who attained positions high or low were not required to have been . . .” \(one should explain there is some grammatical confusion in Mr. loud promisers, exhorters, orators, tireless campaigners or thick-skinned survivors. of smear campaigns. Members of their families could carry on as though there had been no campaign . . .” Anguish from criticism would be reserved for the people who work for the government, and their betters would be spared all that. Better yet, legislators could serve only one term, as they would never have to worry about clamor from the masses \(barring, of course, a revolt, which There are other genial aspects to Mr. Hunt’s Cashocracy. Workers have a “right to accept” bonuses for working harder. Unemployment is abolished by the state setting a work-week of the total hours of work needed divided by the number of workers, so everybody will get sonic work. Everybody gets a pension at 66 \(except those who once took state aid because of poverty or sickness; what happens to them after 66, we are not told, perget a wage guaranteed to be 30 percent higher than the best wages for “unskilled labor.” The government pays for the education of students who are being trained ,,for “service in government.” Debate in the newspapers is required by law. NATURALLY, the citizens of Alpaca are overjoyed with all this and welcome Mara Hani as “an uncrowned queen,”, Sand regard Juan Achala as “a near Messiah.” But, like George Washington, Juan declines the throne, and, also like George, his refusal “warmed his place in the hearts of his fellow countrymen.” The book closes with a letter from Mr. Hunt to an admirer, remarking that the New York Times “wrote me up as worth a little “ole 2 billion and the richest Man in the world . . . but Fortune and Life soon spoiled everything by writing me up as 2nd to Getty,” and the last, climactic page is a picture of Hunt’s home, styled, as the caption says, “after Mt. Vernon,” and also, as the caption does not say, five times as big as Mount ‘Vernon. The conclusion to be drawn from this book is that. Air. Hunt would not accept the Republicalpacan nomination for president, but he would consider a draft if it \\ v a s not larger than two billion dollars. The moral, of course, is that our forefathers should have brought. forth on this continent a government of, by, and for the rich people. So this is the man who’s been calling liberals crackpots. R.D. Right now the powerful Texans who back Johnson are using attractive bait to lure New York’s Democratic bosses into supporting his bid for the presidency. They are holding out the promise that Tammany Boss Carmine DeSapio, now engaged in a bitter fight for survival with a “clean government” Democratic movement, will be three, prospective federal judgeships. All they are asking, in turn, is that DeSapio be ready to deliver all, or a large part of, New York’s 114 delegates if and when Johnson seems close to clinching the nomination. -Whether DeSapio is ready to go along with this plan or not, I am not prepared to say. But merely letting it be known that they are prepared to do business with DeSapio gives him much-desired prestige, at h moment when he needs it badly. ROBERT G. SPIVACK An Unusual Year!
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