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BEDICHEK OTHE SENSE OF SMELL. Roy Bedichek’s final work is now available. A fascinating account of the olfactory sense in animals, insects and birds by the author of “Adventures with a Texas Naturalist.” Foreword by J. Frank Dobie. $3.95 OTHE HUMAN SIDE OF FDR, a pictorial biography by Richard Harrity and Ralph G. Martin. Reminiscent photographs of every phase of the great man’s life. $5.95 OAFFECTIONATELY, F D.R., by James Roosevelt and Sidney Shalett. The story of a lonely man as only his son could relate it. Wtih 16 pages of photographs $6.75 OOUT OF THE JAWS OF VICTORY, by Jules Abels. A recount of how Thomas E. Dewey masterminded himself to political defeat in the 1948 election. $4.95 OTHE TRUMAN-MacARTHUR CONTROVERSY AND THE KOREAN WAR, by John W. THE COMING POLITICAL BREAKTHROUGH, by Chester Bowles. An eminent public servant and Democrat brings a fresh new perspective to the election of 1960. Paperbound. $1.45 OPOLITICS IN AMERICA, by D. W. Brogan. A timely reissue of a brilliant Englishman’s 1954 appraisal of the American political system. Paperbound $1.45 0 THE CAUSES OF WORLD WAR III, by C. Wright Mills. A sociologist and leading critic of America’s society explores avenues for peace. Paperbound $1.50 THE OPEN MIND, by J. Rob ert Oppenheimer. Eight papers Spanier. This account of the on atomic warfare and the reKorean War examines the funlationship of science to the gendamental conflict between milieral field of learning, by one tary command and civilian conof America’s foremost scientrol. $6.50 tists. Paperbound $1.00 THE HOUSE OF BOOKS, Inc. 9231 Stella Link Houston 25, Texas MA 3-3244 Gentlemen: I enclose $ . Please send books indicated above. \(Include 25 cents to cover cost of shipping if order is less than Name Address City and State 11111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111M1111111 Over $133 Million Insurance In Force J;telefAttie\(1 INSURANCE COMPANY P. 0. Box 8098 Houston, Texas HAROLD E. RILEY Vice-President and Director of Agencies LBJ’S CIVIL RIGHTS PLAY Attacks on S.M.U. Don’t Deter Gifts tute and we have not reached a vote on a single amendment or a single part of the seven-part package.” Therefore, he said, he would ask the Senate Monday “to stay in session until a vote can be obtained, or until a majority determines that it is not their desire to vote, or that it is impossible to vote.” On Feb. 23, he told the Senate, “I have no doubt that many senators do not desire to have a vote of any kind taken on any kind of civil rights bill.” He said he judges that “a majority of the Senate desires to reach a vote” on the civil rights proposals Senfore the Senate. Last Friday, Johnson’s realization of the importance of the breaking of the filibuster for his position broke into his discussion of procedure once again. He had been accused, with Dirksen, o f endangering senators’ health by round-the-clock sessions. “I am not the one who prevents the majority of the Senate from expressing themselves,” he asserted. “I am not the one who says that the members of the greatest deliberative body in the world should not have a right to vote.” It was Johnson who headed off liberals’ efforts in 1958 to change Rule 22 in order to permit majority shut-off of debate after 15 days’ debate. “If we go around the clock,” Chiefly Postal Business Books Shown by Appointment STIEFEL’S Dealer in Rare, Out-of-Print Books 1312 10th St., Huntsville, Texas Telephone 5-4449 Use our International Search Service for those hard to find books at no extra cost to you. Johnson said, “then the country will at least be able to see why we cannot vote, and why senators are denied the right to vote … All I want is to get to a vote … The whole question is whether the majority can remain here and try to express its views by a vote, or whether a minority can say, ‘Thou shalt not vote’.” Johnson moved the Senate adjourn without a night session Monday to dispel the charge he is personally responsible for the round-the-clock sessions. The Senate voted 67-10 to work round the clock, Johnson and Sen. Ralph Yarborough both voting against the Southern bloc on the question. His Positions On the substance of the legislation, Johnson pledged himself to the right of every citizen to vote, but he did not take any position on the way such right should be upheld, nor did he express himself in public on the other issues which are dealt with in five of the seven parts of the Republican civil rights billendorsement and financial encouragement for the enforcement of the Supreme Court school desegregation decision, and equal opportunities for jobs for all government contract work. He has made it clear he will not go “all the way” with the liberals. On Feb. 15, in his preliminary statement, he said, “… We are going to do what is right in this matter, even though we do not satisfy the extremists on either side, because if we attempted to satisfy them, some people would be completely out of business.” During a turgid dispute about procedure, Johnson let drop a further thought in this same cast: “I am not trying to please the Ku Klux Klan or the ADA.” Saturday he was telling the Senate, “I do not believe that any American citizen ought to be deprived of the right to vote because of his religion or his race or his color … I am convinced that all do not have it, and I . want them to have it.” Again Monday he said, “the right to vote for all qualified citizens is the basis of our political democracy.” But he said on his Sunday radio broadcast that he would oppose the inclusion of a Part III in a voting rights sectionthe part he helped cut out of the 1957 bill which would have given the U. S. attorney general power to go to the aid in the ‘courts of persons whose civil rights he believed were being violated. The Dallas News said it had 1 ea r n e d “authoritatively” that Johnson also will fight the inclusion of a Congressional endorsement of the Supreme Court decision on school desegregation. Works on Southerners Hurt by Southern chargeS in effect that he engaged in trickery and legislative tyranny by announcing that civil rights amendments would be accepted on a minor bill which had been taken up without objection, Johnson spent much of his Senate discussion defending that act as traditional and ordinary. him with “simple deception” about an amendment Douglas offered but was mollified when it was accepted for debate. Johnson and Yarborough were recorded against an amendment upholding legal resistance to forced integration. Wednesday Johnson began a move to prepare a compromise bill to break the filibuster. Johnson engaged in frequent praise of Southern senators. He Alabama “has never sent here two men who were more beloved or more admired” than the two Alabama senators a n d “commended” Sparkman for a speech against the civil rights bills. Late one night, as . Sen. John Stennis of protest, Johnson told him, “There is no man in all America who is more respected or more loved by his colleagues than is the senator from Mississippi.” AUSTIN President Truman said in Miami Fla., the AP reported, that both Lyndon Johnson and Stuart Symington would be good candidates for president. Gov . Ellington of Tennessee said in Pittsburgh Johnson could sweep Tennessee, where he is “well liked” and regarded as “a little more conservative than the other candidates.” said Johnson led a presidential preference poll of West Virginia party leaders Byrd conducted. Johnson told the Tyler CourierTimes about his availability: “. . . a draft implies a genuine desire on the part of those who are doing the drafting. If such a situation should arise, naturally I would give it serious consideration.” He said it has not arisen; he is not planning to actively seek the nomination; the campaign for him was started by Sam Rayburn, he is grateful to those who launched it, and “It would be presumptuous on my part to tell them to stop.” In Dallas, the Johnson forces sent out draft letters to Johnson backers which are to be mailed, in turn to friends in other states, seeking support for Johnson. THE TEXAS OBSERVER Page 2 March 4, 1960 vor Evidently t h e American Mercury’s attack on alleged un-American influences at Southern Methodist University had little effect on S.M.U. supporters: J. Edwin Keith, S.M.U. director of development, announced that the school’s 1960 goal of $375,000 in gifts has been oversubscribed already in the most successful drive since the school started annual drives in 1939. Political Intelligence Harris County political groups are now bracing for a mighty contest involving control of the Democratic machinery in the county and the re-election of the liberal legislative delegation. The Harris County Democrats began a series of intensive meetings this week. Meanwhile, two conservative groups formed, in what some speculation called a “split.” Presley Werlein, Jr., leads those “pure conservatives” who wantWerlein saidto “rid the county of radical control” by taking over the party machinery. Lester C. Williams, businessman and Dixiecrat, heads a committee to elect conservative candidates. Williams says some of his members are Freedom in Action and/or Constitution Party members; he notes meaningfully that -F.I.A. cannot endorse candidates. The Williams organization says it will be opposed to “modern Republicanism, New Dealism, Fair Dealism, socialism, communism, and all other ‘isms’.” goOlf In a story about Freedom in Action, AP reporter Joe Benham said that Mrs. Cleo Liner and W. N. Hollis of Houston have taken over the duties of Jack Cox, who resigned as executive director to run for governor. Ab ner McCall, executive vice presi dent of Baylor, is listed as state director of F.I.A., but told AP, “I have not taken an active part in Freedom in Action in some time.” V In “La Prensa del Suroeste” of Lubbock, Herbert H. Werlin, a member of the government faculty of Texas Tech, wrote an article heralding a meeting of about 200 Negroes and LatinAmericans in Slaton, Texas, to unite behind school and county candidates, “a very hopeful and a very glorious evening” for “the minorities who have been neglected and suppressed.” goor In the Texas AFL-CIO news paper, one editorial notes that while in years past open la bor support has been considered a potential kiss of death\(“They wanted our help, but they didn’t want anybody outside of labor to the 16 statewide candidates this cate an interest in labor support. In a second editorial, AFL CIO said that the labor decision not to get into the fights over Democratic presidential and vice presidential nominees “does not mean that labor in Texas is expected to ‘sit out’ the Democratic Party convention. Far from it. It means only that ‘Texas labor will not get into whatever fight might develop in the conventions over selection of delegates to support one or another of the candidates for the party’s national nominations.” Labor will seek Mrs. Randolph’s re-election, and take interest in party integrity and loyalty, the party platform, and “party officers and delegates,” the editorial said. g o olf The Texas railroad workers’ , newsletter followed the lead of COPE, endorsing COPE’s candidates and party objectives. gollr Corpus Christi Caller-Times said labor’s endorsement of Gov. Daniel was “a simple matter of expediency.” V Political cartoonery turned up on the campaign envelope of Will Wilsonsee the cartoon, this page. THE WILL OF TEXANS! Wilson’s Envelope Cartoons in His Campaign frO’ Stuart Long wrote in his Austin Report that “D.O.T.C. also endorsed National Committeewoman Frankie Randolph for reelection, and thus accepted the informal proposal of Sen. Lyndon Johnson’s forces that he will take no hand for or against anyone for national committeewoman or committeeman in the June state convention . . . ” D.O.T:C.’s endorsement of Mrs. Randolph did not carry this connotation; being a perfectly obvious step; Long’s observation may be taken as a straw in the wind that JohnsOn intends not to oppose Mrs. Randolph for