ustxtxb_obs_1958_06_27_50_00001-00000_000.pdf

AUSTIN “That thing we just thought there would be a certain demand for it.” Therefore, explains Managing Partner Johnny Jones of Whitley Printing Co. of Austin, his company is offering for sale, at $3 per 100 or $20 per thousand, Sam Wood’s Austin American story on DOT, which one of the headlines in the story says is a “minority bloc steaming for political grab efforts.” The Observer asked Jones if the state Democratic Executive committee or Gov. Price Daniel was paying for any of the distributions. “No,” Jones said. “I’ll say this, they know we are doing it. Actually we were using themI say we were using them, I mean we let them know with the hope they would help us sell them. We called over there and asked if they could help us sell them. So far I have not received much help from them, I’m sorry to say.” Confirming the bulk rates for the one-page reprint, Jones said: “Of course we’re in the printing business, and we’d like to sell as many of them as we can. We decided that there was a market for it and we reprinted it.” Jones has visited many trade association representatives in Austin asking them to distribute the reproduction to their members. Some have refused, and some have agreed. “A few around the associations” are sending them out, Jones told the Observer, but he would “rather not” say which associations. “In many cases,” he said, “they would rather it was not public.” Counter-attacking, some of Yarborough’s supporters have contacted trade associations advising them that Yarborough regards the story as unfriendly to his candidacy. “If you know of anything else we can reprint for sale, we sure do want to know,” Jones told the Observer. “I sure hope I can sell you 20,000 of these. … That thing we just thought there would be a certain demand for it. We have not sold as many as we thought we would, frankly, but maybe as time goes on there will be more demand for it.” Texas Doctors Debate Policies AUSTIN A change of editorial policy toward a somewhat more tolerant attitude toward federal medical programs is more apparent than ever in the June issue of the Texas State Journal of Medicine. An editorial by Dr. William Klingensmith, Amarillo M.D., declares: “The Texas and American Medical Associations have opposed almost every piece of social legislation pertaining to health matters ever proposed. … “Medicare was steadily opposed but was readily passed by Congress, evidently because the Army and the citizens so desired it. … Delegates very neatly expressed their dissatisfaction with socialization but at the same time cut themselves off from any possible control over its workings. … “The Texas Medical Assn. needs a positive approach on social legislation pertaining to health matters. Prepaid health plans controlled by the government are going to increase. … To admit this fact should brand one not as a socialist but as a realist. Organized medicine at first opposed voluntary prepaid insurance as socialistic. It opposed local care AUSTIN Business and trade association leaders and lobbyists have been called into several meetings at the Governor’s Mansion in the last few weeks to finance and by other means assist the state Democratic executive committee’s contest with the Democrats of Texas organization for control of the state party convention, the Observer has learned from several professional lobbyists. Ed Burris, executive vice president and lobbyist for Texas Manufacturers’ Assn., told the Observer by phone from Houston that he had attended a meeting of about a dozen persons at the Mansion roughly within the month and that the party situation in Texas was discussed. “We discussed a lot of things; just a general pow-wow,” he said. “Once certainly I’m sure we discussed shall we call it the party outlook? As I recall there was not talk about moneythere may have been, I just don’t remember it.” Jake Jacobsen, campaign man ager of Governor Price Daniel, asked about the reported breakfast and lunch meetings at the mansion, told the Observer: “I don’t know a lot about it. The Governor and Jake Pickle worked on some things in connection with the convention … at the Mansion, I suppose. “I remember one breakfast meeting over there to get people to help.” Had that, the Observer asked, been the meeting with trade association executives? “Yes, that’s right,” Jacobsen responded. “I had to leave early and didn’t go to any of the others.” “The others,” the Observer has been advised, included one luncheon meeting at the Mansion at which Daniel asked for funds strictly for the inter-party fight with DOT. The meeting which Jacobsen attended was June 13. “Some men didn’t get invitations, and some did,” one lobbyist source told the Observer. “I heard it said that last fall he was knockin’ everybody on. the head now he’s dragging everybody over to the Mansion to help him.” Lobby Called To Mansion Printer Sells Copies Of Wood DOT Story The one great rule of composition is to speak the truth. Thoreau Orxa,6 Ohm= We will serve no group or party but will hew hard to the truth as we find it and the right as we see it. An Independent-Liberal Weekly Aiewspaper Vol. 50 TEXAS, JUNE 27, 1958 100 per copy Number 13 Blakley’s Campaign Turns on Union Leaders Attacks Labor, ‘Outside Bosses’ In Huge Rally \(Willie Morris, editor of The Daily Texan at the University of Texas in 1955-56, and for the last two years a Rhodes Scholar at New College, Oxford, has joined the Observer staff for the summer, after which he will return to Oxford for his last year there. Diving yet ivy-covered into the vat of Texas politics, Morris covered William Blakley’s rally in Longview this week. LONGVIEW To the heart of East Texas came the Blakley Organization Tuesday, bringing along its select diet of well-barbequed constitutionalism. The Gregg County Fairgrounds at Longview was the site, and things generally went smoothly enough that Madison Avenue might’ve learned a touch or two. It was a master stoke in planning and publicity. The Longview Daily News that very afternoon had embellished its front-page with a formal endorsement. The rally had been fanfared throughout East Texas well in advance, and half an hour before the scheduled 6:30 free-food call \(four thousand people or so were queueing for refreshments. Men in concession huts were giving away cokes and root-beer and 7Ups. It was an occasion for socializing: whole families had turned up, and well-tanned young couples in bermudas, even a tiny group of eight or ten Negroes who ate shyly and silently back near the fence. Pretty soon the ampli fiers boomed forth the music of Jimmy Martin and his Sunny Mountain Boys, and folks drifted over to the chairs fronting the speakers’ platform, surrounded already with radio and television apparatus. Bill Blakley was there early, a tall, ruggedly handsome man with a smile that is warm, and winning, and unrehearsed. His wife, dark and serene and plump, was with him. He stood near the rost Willie Morris rum shaking hands, grinning when Alice Lon, the Lawrence Welk television star from Kilgore, announced she couldn’t sing because of a sore throat, then added rather cautiously that she had come “just to say hello to all my friends, not to take sides.” The sun was barely hidden behind the exhibition buildings, and kids wearing Blakley buttons played hide-and-seek in the crowd. M. C. Lee Lawrence of Tyler announced that twice 5,000 had showed up to hear the Senator, and for that there were cheers. Then everyone was told to make a lot of noise, for TV. A few minutes later they were told again. There were still lines over at the barbecue tables, and a few got up for refills. Robert Cargill, the Citizens Council man, Blakley’s chairman for Gregg County, stood up and said 8,000 people were there, “with thousands still coming in.” Most of the 4,000 chairs were filled, and by speech time there must have been a shade more than 5,000 in the fairgrounds. Everett Page, a past state commander of the American Legion, did the in troducing. Speaking in a loud, booming voice, he described Bill Blakley as a possible “man of destiny” and quoted Senator Harry Byrd of Virginia who, during Blakley’s interim term in the Senate, had said: “I know of no senator in 24 years who has made a finer impression on me. He is a great ambassador from a great state.” Page said the people of Texas were divided, our way of life threatened, andas Americans had once looked to Thomas Jefferson, Andrew Jackson, Woodrow Wilson to save them from troubleTexans would now look to Bill Blakley. With Blakley in Washington, Page concluded, there would never be an empty chair belonging to a Texas senator at a caucus of Southern senators. Lustily Thrice Blakley never departed from his prepared text. He spoke loudly, perhaps a bit too loudly. He is not an eloquent man on a platform, nor is he a nervous one. He is at his best with a handshake, not so strong when he tries to register some point that is presumed to spring from the depths of the soul. The speech itself was greeted sympathetically, but not enthusiastically. Quite a few stood up after his introduction, and again when he finished, but not many. Applause was frequent \(20 times but it was warm political applause only thrice, when he said “You want a government that does not allow the Constitution to be amended by purposeful judicial interpretation based upon psychology and not on law, or by pressure groups, or by social theory” and again, more lustily, wehn he said, “You want a man who will forever defend the rule of constitutional government and preserve to local authority the operation and administration of our public school system,” and finally when he posed the question, cate a reduction of taxes in the morning and propose the spending of extra billions in the afternoon on the same day?” It was a speech which dealt in dark, damp symbols, which skirted the meat of political controversy in favor of warnings that something sinister, lurking out in the shadows, perhaps under the trees beyond the fairgrounds, was threatening the Texas way. Four times he mentioned the necessity of “majority rule”; four times he warned against “minority rule.” Lashing out against the grand conspiracy of organized labor, he said this election “is being watched in New York, in Detroit, in Washington and other places from whence the influence and money flows.” He underlined that “the factions seeking control in Texas now are the same that have successfully … attained domination over the political life and the economy of other regions of the nation.” This “high command,” he said, saw a decade ago the potential of Texas, hence sent their best trained organizers and biggest money down to capture control, here as elsewhere. The principles Texans believe in, he said, are “constitutional government, state sovereignty, individual freedom, human rights, majority rule.” He spoke of “selfish groups in other sections of the nation,” and warned against the danger of sending to Washington a man Free Barbecue, Free Fireworks Good Time by All “who will align himself with those from other sections and regions whose interests are not the interests of Texas.” Is the next senator, he asked, “going to use this office as a base of operations from which he will attempt to take over the state government and the Democratic Party of Texas?” Or is his motive “an insatiable desire for himself and for a minority group?” “Has he ever accepted the financial assistance of out-of-state groups who conspire to take over the Democratic Party and the government of this State of Texas, as they have done in other states?” `The Capture’ “Those who seek to engineer the capture of your state by the conspiracy of national minority groups have no sympathy with the things you hold to be indispensable. Let’s get this straight if these influences are successful, this Senate seat will be used as a base two years from now and from then onto seek the governorship, the attorney general’s office, seats on the Supreme Court and every other office, both state and local. Do you want the high and important office of Senator to be nothing more than the smoke-filled clubroom for labor political bossesbosses who get their signals from outside of Texas?” Speech over, cameras at rest, Blakley rushed down to the exit to bid his adieus. There was still time for fireworks: rockets and \(Continued on