`Cowboy’ Haley Gets Fistfight Challenge J. Evetts Haley of Texas Tech’s board of directors, has been challenged to physical combat by Ernest Joiner, uninhibited editor of the Ralls Banner. Joiner, winding up a firey column on Haley’s role in. the firing of three Tech professors, said: “Personally, though, if Drugstore Cowboy Haley will park his brace of Gene Autry .45’s, we still think we can whip hell out of him in a fair fistfightConstitution or no Constitution.” ALSO HOLLYWOOD 14UFFLERS. TAIL PIPES AND ACCESSORIES INSTALLED FREE WHILE YOU WAIT’ FORD $8.95 .41-53 CHEY. $9.45 ’41:53 fs Cst V $ 91.60 cH”11.65 ’54:57 Da go Low Prices ea In Cora :VET $299 PAM. ….. TS GRIGGS ROAD OPEN MON. aid THURS. NIGHTS MI. YI y ROTH STORES OPEN ALL DAY SATURDAY! 4535 GRIGGS R15: IN Ng:112:14EN OL 4-6561 HOUSTON, TEXAS a l F1117E AWNING CO. We ship anywhere -. OL 443184 FACTORY & DISPLAY 6320 LONG DR. ZEPENIVE ALUMINUM AIR CONDITIONER COVERS EASILY INSTALLED PERMANENT ALUMINUM WITH BAKED ENAMEL FINISH PROTECTS YOUR AIR CONDITIONER FROM SUN, RAIN, ETC. INCREASES EFFICIENCY OF YOUR UNIT See them today at HOUSTON, TEXAS THE TEXAS OBSERVER Page 4 July 26, 1957 Yanqui-biased Stispect `Cowhand Haley Okays Firing Re-Hearing the dubious distinction of being the only man in history of Texas jurisprudence who was caught with barbiturates \(109 redbirds his safety deposit box at the bank. However, at the time Piperi rose to his defense, Joe, remarkably enough, was not a defendant in the case. A tough character named Johnny Beeler, also an ex-con, was on trial on a_ of having stronghanded Slemensky out of $300. Beeler had entered what was perhaps the strangest nolo contendre plea on record. He told the court that he didn’t rob Joe that he just took back his money in” which he, claimed Joe had been dishonest enough to foist off on him. J. Scott Scoggins, attorney for Beeler was questioning Slemensky at length concerning details of the alleged narcotic transaction when Piperi intervened. Piperi told the court that he rose as a “friend of the court,” that he represented Mr. Slemensky in civil matters and didn’t propose to stand by and see him “badgered by Scoggins.” Scoggins countered that he was not going to be badgered by Piperi, either, or words to that effect, and issued the friend of the court an unfriendly invitation to fisticuffs behind the courthouse. Despite threats and counterthreats and references to one of the other’s pugilistic ability, peace and calm finally was restored without a blow being struck. In recent months, Piperi has been several times occupied with trying to extract some of his bawdy house clients from the official clutches of Mayor Geo. mon man. To the contrary. From a third to a half of the people are still illiterate, many of Mexico’s valleys continue to be insular simply from lack of good roads, and maladministration of wealth continues to leave in awful impoverishment and helplessness many millions. But, the works of the revolution and conscious government planning f o r industrialization have brought into being a new Mexican middle class complete with television, have caused other profound modifications in the Mexican economy and have even managed an uneasy league with ,a recent official chill toward any government actions that might hurt the tourist trade by being thought “red.” \(“We have a favorable tourist trade balance of $340 million,” said one economic expert. “We take the dollars and Mexico’s gross national product is growing at a faster rate than that of the U.S. Totirist money, plus the $200 million-odd sent or taken back to Mexico annually by braceros and wetbacks, is one source of the energy that makes possible a 9 to 11 percent increase in the gross national product every year. Not only is Mexico attracting more foreign capital than she was 15 years ago, when the oil expropriation and related acts brought about a tense situation; she also has less per capita income dependent on foreign capital than then. Agricultural output is increasing in spectacular style under government subsidized mechanization and fertilizer programs while the rural population has decreased from 65 percent in 1940 to 56 percent in 1950 and may be less than half of the total population by 1960. An old Mexican from San Luis Potosi told a group gathered together at the Villa Roy Clough. His Honor, for some inexplicable reason, looks with strong, disfavor on the redlight dealings of one “Jo Jo” Balch. The Mayor said he had issued orders to police that they should slap a vagrancy charge on male madam Balch every time they could find him and nab him. Clough said that after they had given Balch a couple successive stiff fines, Piperi tried to get one of the penalties reduced because “the man doesn’t have any money.” At this stage no one in Galveston or Austin seems prepared to predict who will be named to the new court post Jones, a congenial center in. Mexico for thoughtful people from many countries, that 30 or 40 years ago a Mexican would come into San Luis Potosi without the money to buy shoes; now he can. But if Mexico is going to “jump over the sweat shop to the automatic machine,” she has not yet done more than fortify herself for the effort. She has a caste system perhaps as fundamental and ruthless as India’s. A government worker \(whose official pay is less cocktails in a good hotel in downtown Mexico City, “You do not even have to exert yourself to reject them. An Indian coming into this hotelhe just doesn’t come. He isn’t here. We have trained ourselves not to think of many millions as human beings. In some ways it is vvorse than your problem in the South.” Government work pays very little, and most government employees find it necessary to work nights. \(0 f f i c i a 1 government hours are 8 to 2:30, but there is a Latin ease about their observation. An outsider must wonder about the effectiveness of government in Mexico. The mordida system premium on the business of the people who can pay the bribes. The bonus system of government pay lets politicians favor whatever employees they wish, for whatever reason. Mexico’s labor laws are quite idealistic and are said to be honored in the breach. It is expected that business bonuses will in part escape the government’s progressive taxation by keeping two sets of books. Even Mexico City traffic is so anarchic apd personal it terrifies the arriving gringo. No mere transient can do more than listen and speculate in this deep-running culture. He can admire Mexico’s tolerance for differences, her love of her mother heritage, and what Tom Sutherland calls her willingness to give importance to things that matter by such acts of faith as the National University, the government sponsored murals in the official buildings and schools all over Mexico. Passing through he cannot well assess her efforts to bring into being from a tribal culture not long ago prevalent and not yet disappeared , an industrial society with justice for everybody. Perhaps, given his own heritage, he cannot even understand how Mexicans think about the bite, the “direct taxation” of bribery which is not only accepted, but is institutionalized in Mexico. RONNIE DUGGER Tech LUBBOCK The crust of silence lying over the firing of Drs. Abernethy, Greenberg and Stensland from the Texas Tech faculty by a board of directors in executive session cracked here and there this week. Board member J. Evetts Haley, who last week would say only “no comment” to reporters asking if the firings had political coloration, this week talked to the Dallas News. Watkins, not present at the firing session, returned to Abilene from a Hawaii vacation and, according to Tech President E. N. Jones, may set a special meeting of the board to review the secret session action, during the coming weekend. Board member Floyd Wooldridge of Dallas told fellow townsmen the review might not come until the board’s next regular session, on Aug. 17. He said also it was the “outside activities” of Abernethy a n d Greenberg which made them “unacceptable” as Tech teachers. Wooldridge said this had had a bad effect on the minds of Tech students. He said also he didn’t care what “the NAACP and socialistic liberals” thought of the firings. But it was Haley who talked most. He said: “Not one of those bleedingheart, ultra-liberal organizations ever came to my defense when I was fired back in ’36 \(from the academic freedom was involved because I was against Roosevelt. I just lost my college job and went back ; to punching cattle.” By his “ultra liberal” reference, Haley apParently meant Jerry Holleman, executive secretary of the Texas State Federation of Labor, who has criticized the firing action. Said Haley: “I’m willing to meet this Jerry Holleman in debate before any labor organization and talk about the issues involved, especially those posed by Dr. Greenberg on forced integration. \(Greenberg’s integration position, he told the Observer last week, s is adherence “to the ing to talk about the affairs of Texas Tech, generally.” In the interview, Haley, styling himself “a broken down cowhand,” said a public review of the board’s firing action was okay. with him and went on to say: , “There should be a complete investigation of the affairs of Texas Tech.” Haley said newspaper inference that he was responsible for the firings had “done a grave injustice to his board colleagues.” He said the firings had been in the works for some time and were initiated at a June board meeting which he did not attend. What is at stake in the situation, in Haley’s view, “is whether the people of Texas are going to run Texas Tech or whether it will be run by a radical minority of the faculty. This is the issue in education, generally. “As far as I’m concerned, those three men are firedand that’s that. But if the people of Texas want a public spectacle, I’ll be ready to defend my position.” hostility; almost all is courtesy and friendliness, ‘from the Indian smiling under a sombrero on. a crowded second class bus to the storekeepers and the government workers. But when Americans are acting in connections beyond immediate ,commercial transac tionswhen they act in the name of the Northern gianta Mexican politician risks exorcism from his own circle and disastrous po litical consequence if he is sus pected of what one politician called, seriously, collaboration. Mexico is still trying to feed crushing social needs which her revolution dramatized but did not satisfy. An essential premise of her revolutionary heritage is a formal devil-theory of capitalism, for her revolution. was as socialist as any of the great revolutions. Public schools are named for the revolution; Mexico’s heroes are the noble men who fought and died for her emancipation from the Spaniard, the priest, and the American capitalist. State enterprises proliferate although in a specially Mexican way, with the government leaders seting up a state enterprise from which they, as directors of corporations, receive some of the profits. Texans are a special case for Mexicans. Episodes of discrimination against Mexicans working in Texas and native LatinAmericans there are hard to for-.get and who is to say, much less to believe, they are ended? In Mexico, too, what a student at the college at Chapingo politely called the “disike some people have” for Negroes in the American South does not go down well. It is a commonplace that the Mexican revolution and the work of government after it have not ended poverty and established here a lyrical utopia of the corn PRICE’S PICKLE
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