The Texas Observer

Van Jones, founder of Green For All, brought a much needed breath of fresh air into the stale atmosphere of Austin’s convention center, which contained the hung-over, sparse remains of the Netroots Nation blogger crowd Sunday morning.

“Wake up. And stay up!” Jones commanded the subdued audience upon taking the stage.

More than his jokes or energy, it was his forward-looking message — a challenge to the progressive bloggers to move beyond their like-minded critiques toward positions of action and leadership — that stirred things up.

“You all got a problem, because y’all are about to win,” Jones said. “Now, you have to prove your ideas are good for governing, not just protesting.”

Jones also issued a warning. Using the Carter presidency as an example, he said the Left must be careful about its excitement over the Obama presidency.

“You can probably get him elected, but not reelected,” said Jones. “Not unless we get really smart about his reelection right now.”

A Democratic president and Congress will leave conservatives with nothing to do but run their mouths, at a time when the new leadership will be inheriting a country that’s heading for stagflation, just as when Carter took office, Jones said.

And Jones fears the result will be a right-wing backlash and years of conservative rule, just like after Carter left office.

To beat stagflation, energy prices must come down, Jones said. The conservatives’ solution is drill and burn, and “we are getting our butts whupped by this drill, drill, drill mantra.” This, he says, is because the green movement is and will continue to be a target of conservatives who label it an elitist movement that leaves the working classes behind.

“It is up to us to say ‘this is not a movement we are going to do to poor people, it is a movement we are doing for poor people,’ he said.

The movement is not dependent upon new technology or new policy, but politics, Jones said. To win, green advocates must change the nature of the debate by promoting the positive aspects of energy reform, like job growth, rather than accentuating the negative, like global warming.

Winning also requires action, not just talk about the problem, said Jones—Action like advocating for the Green Jobs Act and Green Block Grant, and participating in the nationwide green jobs mobilization campaign he’s launching September 27.

As the national landscape changes, the role of the blogosphere is changing. And, as the final keynote speaker, Jones told bloggers their future task requires increasing inclusivity. “You can’t save the polar bear without saving the poor children too. It is one movement,” he said.

Women bloggers at Netroots Nation say that even within the often nameless, faceless culture of cyberspace, inequality persists.

At the Women Bloggers caucus Thursday, labor union reps, political activists, campaign managers and stay-at-home moms expressed their collective dissatisfaction with the quiet sexism of the liberal blog world.

“I’m hearing a lot of frustration with the gender double-standard in political campaigns and the blogosphere,” said Darcy Burner, a Netroots-supported congressional candidate. “If we don’t find a way as a community to push back, that standard is going to be very slow to change.”

The mindset that allows for sexist comments in progressive blogs and demeaning comments from media figures (such as Chris Matthews), is almost impossible to penetrate, female bloggers said, because “progressive” males won’t acknowledge their sexism.

“As long as it is OK for people to say things that are fundamentally sexist and get away with it in public, then they are going to think it is OK to believe it in private too,” Burner said.

Women in the progressive blogosphere complain they still find they’re only considered qualified to address issues of traditional importance to females, like abortion, and excluded from male-dominated issues like the economy.

“Working in politics and tech is a boys club,” said caucus moderator Julie Lyn Gibbons. “We need to take ownership of the economic issue,” she said. “But that change has to start at home, at your computer, on your blog,” she told the audience.

In campaign work, the women said, they are paid less than male counterparts, if they’re paid at all, and have limited upward mobility.

“In our campaign, women did a lot of the early organizing and fundraising work as volunteers,” said a Texas Obama campaigner. “Later in the campaign, the men, who I refer to as the ‘mercenaries men,’ took over—and of course, they are paid workers,” she said.

In general, participants said, women volunteer more and don’t insist upon adequate compensation because, in a culture that doesn’t place monetary value on traditional female services, like care-giving, women often don’t value themselves as highly as men do.

“We have to start demanding what we need,” said Marcela Howell, vice president of communications for Advocates for Youth. Howell said that as a campaign manager in California, she demanded her headquarters provide childcare, which not only benefited her, but also allowed other women to work on the campaign.

Gibbons also stressed the need for more training and placement programs that encourage women to expand their political roles, like Emily’s List, Annie’s List and She Should Run. And of course, Gibbons said, one great way to initiate change is to start a public dialog by blogging about these issues.

“The media is paying more and more attention to what we are saying,” she said. “If you haven’t started blogging yet, you should.”

As Netroots Nation commenced this morning at the Austin Convention Center, bloggers, candidates, and netroots activists came together at the Texas Bloggers caucus to discuss the state of the Texas blogosphere and their common goal of “turning Texas blue.”

From the “God-blogger” of Texas progressive blogs, Charles Kuffner, to current state senate candidate Joe Jaworski, speakers agreed that Texas bloggers have come a long way in a very short time.

The Texas blogging community has matured rapidly, said Jaworski. “It has changed the way political reporting is done.”

The Texas blogosphere is the largest in the country, according to Karl-Thomas Musselman, publisher of the Burnt Orange Report. And, contrary to this morning’s Austin American-Statesman article (“Political bloggers gaining clout — but it’s no way to make a living”), Musselman says Texas bloggers are starting to “put their money where their mouse is.”

Musselman, who announced plans to quit his day job after this cycle and devote his time to Burnt Orange, predicts that the rapid growth of Texas blogs will soon create a medium strong enough to supply paying jobs for its prominent writers.

The Texas online community is gaining clout as a political campaign contributor as well, said Vince Leibowitz, chair of the Texas Progressive Alliance, who pointed to the million dollars raised online for the Rick Noriega campaign as an example of netroots potential.

“That is nothing to sneeze at,” says Leibowitz. “If you are from Texas you can walk with your head held high, because we are leading the nation in progressive online activism.”

Melissa Noriega spoke as well, thanking bloggers for supporting both her and husband. “Blogging is re-democratizing our national conversation,” she said. “It is powerful.”

Bloggers, activists and candidates alike hope this growing power will be strong enough to turn Texas Democratic next election.

Kuffner’s aim is to win back the Texas House. “This is the most tangible goal for Texas Democrats,” he said.

Others are shooting beyond the moon. Blogger Annatopia, founding member of the Texas Progressive Alliance, said she believes Texas has a good chance of swinging Democratic in the next presidential election.

“We are standing on the edge of a blue state,” Annatopia said. “Imagine if Texas turned blue … We could lock up the presidency for cycles to come,” she said.

She also said it was time for bloggers to move out from behind the comforting glow of their computer screens and step into the real world—to attend political rallies, fundraising parties and neighborhood campaigns.

“We need to talk to our neighbors,” Annatopia continued. “We need to put shoe leather to the streets.”

Despite the ACLU’s TYC lawsuit, many juvenile justice advocates assert that, while it’s slow-moving, there is progress at TYC — trickling down from the top.

When Richard Nedelkoff became TYC conservator and brought new leadership from outside the agency, reform proponents saw hope for change—hope that may have been dashed by the ACLU’s revelations of punitive practices and abuse.

But for those brave (or naive) enough to keep believing in the possibility of reform, the ACLU’s revelations don’t seem to fit the classic TYC pattern of abuses following the promise reform. State-appointed TYC watchdog and former ACLU director Will Harrell says the suit does not accurately reflect the massive culture shift occurring at TYC. And, even most youth advocates say there’s evidence the agency is on the right path; it just needs legislative and fiscal support.

“Six months ago, I wouldn’t have believed the reforms taking place at TYC were possible,” says Harrell, “but this leadership has embraced all the principles we advocated for in the past.”

Harrell says most allegations mentioned in the ACLU suit are already being addressed. “I wish ACLU would have come to me before filing suit,” he says.

Litigation, says Harrell, is often an ineffective means to bring about change, especially when it involves filing suit against an underfunded agency, whose new leaders have demonstrated a willingness to openly discuss problems and issues with advocates.

And, indeed, advocacy organizations traditionally opposed to TYC say they have seen dramatic changes in the agency over the past six months. “TYC leadership is making encouraging cultural and structural changes,” says Deborah Fowler, legal director of Texas Appleseed, a non-profit that sued TYC last year over pepper spray policies. “The new leadership shares our reform vision,” she says.

So why did the ACLU hit TYC with such force just as the agency is trying to right itself?

Terri Burk, ACLU of Texas executive director, says the organization was representing clients with pressing needs, and the 2007 legislative reform was too slow in its progress. The best way to move the process along was to file suit, she believes.

“Culture shifts won’t happen overnight in an agency with deep-rooted issues to overcome,” responds Harrell.

Advocates on the ground seem to agree.

“TYC is a big ship to turn around. It takes longer than we sometimes would like, but it’s moving in the right direction,” says Rebecca Lightsey, Texas Appleseed executive director.

Ultimately, it seems the longevity and speed of reform efforts depend on those beyond TYC’s top management. “TYC finally has leadership that’s youth and family-focused,” says Jodie Smith, public policy director of Texans Care for Children. “The burden of change now falls to the legislature.”

“You get what you pay for,” says Harrell, who believes funding issues will ultimately determine the pace of change. “The real test of progress will be what reforms are put into place next legislative session.”

The Texas Public Policy Foundation hosted the “Mission Redefinition at the Youth Commission” policy primer, June 25, to discuss past legislative reforms, outline priority issues facing the ’09 legislature, and determine the best future role for the TYC.

The juvenile justice experts, officials and advocates who spoke at the primer shared a common belief that, in order to reduce the more than 50 percent recidivism rate of Texas youth offenders, there must be a move to smaller, regionalized TYC facilities, an increase in community-based programs, and expansion of state mental health services.

“While we’ve made improvements, we have a whole long way to go,” said Richard Nedelkoff, TYC conservator. “The TYC population needs to decrease, but the more important thing is, we have to build up the other end, reintegration and community-based programs.”

The capacity crowd ranged from conservative to liberal organizations. The fact that the conservative TPPF hosted the meeting may indicate that this path forward for juvenile justice reform has bipartisan support.

Rep. Jerry Madden, House Committee on Corrections chairman, kicked off the discussion by evaluating the SB 103 reforms. Madden said that, while the bill resulted in some significant achievements, such as increases in TYC oversight, there were also significant failures. The most notable, he said, was the inability to reduce the state’s high recidivism rate.

There was much talk of transitioning from large, rural TYC detention centers to smaller, urban facilities, which would keep youth offenders closer to their families, increase community involvement and allow for specialized treatment.

Mike Griffiths, executive director of Dallas County Juvenile Probation, presented a model outlining these costs, and though it may pay off in the long run, this change would be a big expense for urban counties to absorb. According to Griffiths’ model, a 20-month rehabilitation cycle of 216 juvenile offenders would cost a county $11 million.

Along with the regionalization of facilities, more community-based programs are needed to keep youth integrated in society. Joella Brooks, deputy executive director of Southwest Key Programs, said that keeping youth in the community and including the families of offenders in treatment programs are the key components of successful rehabilitation.

Nedelkoff said the lack of community-based programs, like halfway houses, makes it difficult to reintegrate youth into the community and increases the length of offender stays at TYC.

Fundamental to improving the juvenile justice system are broader state mental health reforms, which could reduce the number of youth entering TYC facilities. Because Texas mental health services are unable to keep up with the state’s growing population, many youth in need are turned away for lack of available beds. As a result, they often end up at TYC instead.

Griffiths said he hears families say they were told to “get their child arrested so they can get mental health treatment.”

“I was not trained as a mental health counselor, but that is what we’ve become,” he said.

Nedelkoff said meeting the needs of youth with mental health issues is a nationwide problem that has haunted him in every state he has worked in throughout his career 29-year criminal justice career.

Given the Texas Youth Commission’s history of inmate abuse and scandal is true reform even possible?

The tales of horrifying incidents—the Observer’s expose on sex abuse at a TYC facility in West Texas, the stories of indiscriminate use of pepper spray by guards, an ACLU lawsuit detailing mistreatment of girls at TYC’s Brownwood facility—while upsetting, hardly surprise anymore.

In fact, the agency’s bad rap sheet stretches back almost 30 years, to the Morales v. Turman federal lawsuit that aimed to reform the Texas juvenile justice system. Unfortunately, the suit was to be the first of many in an ongoing cycle of abuse, exposure and promised reform.

Perhaps the agency has been so hard to rehabilitate because its problems extend beyond a handful of troubled facilities or a flawed approach to juvenile justice. Mental health advocates blame public officials’ failure to recognize the importance of early intervention programs within the mental health system statewide as a key culprit.

“If we addressed these problems early on, with community and school-based programs, these kids wouldn’t end up at TYC,” says Jodie Smith, public policy director of Texans Care for Children.

But, in Texas, a state ranked 49th in the nation for mental health funding, kids in need often don’t get any psychiatric help until they are already deeply entrenched in the criminal justice system.

“Our aim is to rehabilitate these kids, but many of them have never been ‘habilitated’ in the first place,” said Jim Hurley, TYC spokesman. “They never received adequate education or care.”

TYC has undergone massive reforms in the past year, including instituting 300 hours of required training for each staff member and increasing agency transparency, says Hurley.

The fact remains, however, 38 percent of its youth have serious mental health problems, and another 72 percent come from “chronically chaotic households” (a condition often linked to later development of PTSD, depression and addiction)—shifting the culture and practices of the agency to meet such a large need takes money, resources and time.

For the ACLU, who recently filed another lawsuit against the agency, time was the problem. “We felt progress of reform was too slow, and that filing suit was the best way to meet our clients pressing needs,” said ACLU of Texas Executive Director Terri Burke.

There’s little doubt seclusion and restraint practices only exacerbate any mental problems adolescents may have. And, the ACLU accounts of the treatment of these juveniles, which (among many heart-wrenching scenes) cite instances of TYC officers making fun of suicidal young girls, are, without doubt, devastating.

Immediately after the suit was filed, TYC made changes to their guidelines for conducting strip searches, says Burke.

But these changes likely will not be enough.

Until there is a shift in thinking and dollars toward early intervention, not at TYC, but at the legislative and societal level, says Smith, these problems will continue.

The Hillary Clinton presidential campaign may be coming to an end, but some of her most loyal Texas supporters must not have gotten the memo.

The scene tonight at Clinton’s Austin headquarters — just a block from the convention center, where the Texas Democratic Party State Convention will kick off tomorrow — was anything but morose. It was packed with excited, jovial, and sleep-deprived volunteers from across the nation. Hillary supporters had gathered to train delegates and volunteers for the state convention.

Clinton is expected to suspend her campaign Saturday, so just what is the motivation for the Clinton die-hards?

For many, the aim has shifted to securing the vice presidential nomination. To that end, they want to ensure Clinton receives as many delegates as possible from Texas. “We want a strong presence in the party, and there are going to be lots of angry people if Hillary doesn’t get the VP spot,” said Jim Morrison, a Clinton precinct captain from Frisco.

“There’s only one way for Obama to become president in my eyes, and that’s to make Hillary his running mate,” said Joyce King, Clinton delegate from Houston.

The Clintonites who could accept the race was over were not wallowing in disappointment, but instead looking ahead to a greater goal of Democratic victory this fall. “I’ve already gone though the tears in my beers. That’s done,” said Sue Mottinger, a Clinton volunteer from Dallas. She said it’s time for both sides to talk to one another about what is good for the whole.

If the Clinton campaign is dead, then many Hillary supporters clearly want the Texas Democratic Convention to be a celebration rather than a funeral. And celebrate they will, beginning at 7 a.m. tomorrow, Clinton supporters plan to rally with live music and festivities in Brush park, across from the convention center. It’s even rumored Chelsea could be among the convention speakers tomorrow night.

“It’s sad seeing all this come to an end, but it is energizing too, ” Morrison said. “We’ve been part of something exceptional.”