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Dateline Houston

The renewed debate over gun control has lately settled into two broad camps: those who think more guns in the right hands would reduce violence, and those who think fewer guns overall would reduce violence.

Texas politicians, predictably, have come out in favor of more guns, particularly in the hands of schoolteachers: Gov. Rick Perry, state Rep.-elect Jason Villalba of Dallas, Texas Land Commissioner Jerry Patterson, and suburban Houston’s own state Rep. Debbie Riddle all support arming teachers. This morning, NRA executive Wayne LaPierre held a press conference calling for armed guards in schools, neglecting to mention that Columbine High School had an armed guard and that Fort Hood had a great many armed personnel present. (And, as an apparent Christmas gift to the Internet, LaPierre blamed violence on hurricanes and video games like Mortal Kombat, which features ninjas and fireballs but no guns.)

But the more-guns argument is predicated on the belief that non-criminal citizens with guns can be relied upon to secure their weapons and use them safely. Otherwise, why would you introduce a gun for every 20 or 30 kids in a school, right?

Looking back on the Houston area’s year in firearms casts doubt on that assumption. A few illustrative selections from Dateline Houston’s files:

March 22: A man in Jacinto City killed himself accidentally when one of the shots he fired in the air hit him in the neck.

June 13: A 17-year-old boy in Alamo died when a bullet he fired at a butane tank ricocheted and hit his head.

June 17: A 24-year-old woman in south Houston was killed when her brother accidentally dropped the gun he was carrying.

July 31: A 12-year-old boy in Waller County accidentally shot and killed his 11-year-old brother with a 12-gauge shotgun after finding it and another shotgun in their parents’ closet. The parents thought the closet was locked.

November 13: A young man in southeast Houston died after he and a neighbor were comparing their guns and one gun accidentally discharged.

Dec 12: A 4-year-old boy in northeast Houston shot himself after climbing on top of his parents’ tall furniture chest and finding a gun kept there for home security. Both parents were home and thought the child was in bed.

Then there are the situations that might not have ended in death if guns hadn’t been present.

Yesterday, a 20-year-old man allegedly shot and killed a 30-year-old woman during a road-rage confrontation in far southwest Harris County.

And on Dec 11, a 17-year-old died after being shot by his neighbor during an argument over sneakers.

One could go on.

As our politicians lather up their arguments about how guns make us safer, Dateline Houston hopes they’ll remember how things work in real life, not just in the black-hat-white-hat world they imagine.

There’s always womb for Rick Perry.

On Tuesday, he alighted at The Source For Women, a crisis pregnancy center in Houston whose opening ribbon he cut in September, to announce his support for prospective legislation called Bean the “Preborn Pain Act,” aka a fetal pain bill. (The name comes from the belief, popular among opponents of abortion access, that 20-week-old fetuses can feel pain. A 2005 research review by the Journal of the American Medical Association says that isn’t true.) The bill would ban abortions after 20 weeks even for victims of rape or incest, although, magnanimously, would allow the procedure save a woman’s life.

But only about one half of one percent of abortions in Texas take place after 20 weeks. And according to NARAL Pro-Choice Texas, most of those few are medical emergencies, so the new rule wouldn’t apply to them.

That doesn’t mean the “fetal pain” bill won’t make abortions harder to get.

Part of the proposed bill, lightly touched on in Perry’s presentation, is a requirement that abortion clinics conform to “surgical operating” room standards. Because the bill itself is preborn, it’s hard to say what exactly that will mean, but Heather Busby, Executive Director of NARAL Pro-Choice TX, has a guess.

“Back in 2004,” Busby says, “the Legislature passed a bill that required any abortion after 16 weeks to be performed in an ambulatory surgical center (ASC). It sounds like what they’re referring to is making all clinics ASCs.”

An ASC has structural requirements like hallways wide enough for stretchers. “There was no medical reason for those requirements,” Busby said. “It was just a way to make clinics have to rebuild or remodel or move.“

In 2004, no Texas clinics met those standards. Now the only ASCs are in Austin, Houston, San Antonio and Dallas, and their costs of service are up to three times what they were before remodeling. “The effect is felt directly by the women,” Busby says.

If the “Preborn Pain Act” passes and all abortion clinics must be ASCs, “clinics are going to close and abortion costs will be higher.”

Sounds good to Perry. His goal, he told The Source for Women, “is to make abortion, at any stage, a thing of the past.”

Screen grab of Joshua Gravens' Texas Department of Public Safety record.
Screen grab of Joshua Gravens' Texas Department of Public Safety record.

The Texas Observer’s June cover story, “Life On the List,” looked at what happens when children are placed on Texas’ public sex offender registry. It centered on Josh Gravens, who at age 12 had sexual contact with his sister, was handed over to the Texas Youth Commission for more than three years, and has been listed in the public registry ever since.

Before agreeing to be interviewed for by the Observer, Gravens had never discussed his ordeal with anyone who didn’t strictly need to know. Gravens had never been an activist. He had struggled privately, moved from place to place, job to job. Each time he started to build a life, he’d be fired, threatened, or evicted after a couple of years when something called attention to his presence on the registry.

As of November 15, though, the 25-year-old married father of four is, for the first time since he was 13, not on the list.

Years ago, a clerk told Gravens that he couldn’t petition for removal because the judge who sentenced him had died. It turns out that wasn’t true. The Observer found the judge during reporting and let Gravens know how to contact him. After “Life On the List” came out, Gravens sent the judge a copy of the story, along with a request for a copy of his court records (he had been told they were sealed) so that he could petition for the removal of one erroneously listed charge.

Shocked and moved by the effect the registry had had on Josh’s life, the judge instead considered Gravens’ letter a petition to be listed privately and arranged a court date for him.

As Gravens wrote in a letter to me:

“On November 1, I appeared before the original judge in my juvenile case. I sat in the witness stand and made a case for how the public registry has time and again brought an end to my successes. It was a very informal setting. The judge did not wear his robes, the district attorney was present, and they both asked me questions about my advocacy, employment, and most of all family… As the hearing proceeded, both the judge and the DA had their [copy of state] statutes out to make sure of exactly how the law worked. The removal of juveniles from the public registry had been a law on the books for ten years, but the judge in this case (who’s served 20+ years) and the district attorney, neither had ever used this law. This speaks volumes to how rare it is that someone is removed from the registry. Officials are very good at placing people on the sex offender registry, but when it comes to removal, they have no idea how.”

Gravens’ records will still be available to law enforcement officers, but not to the public.

Gravens has also applied for a George Soros Justice Fellowship to educate policymakers about the effects of listing children on the public sex offender registry. This very afternoon, he learned he is a finalist for the fellowship. He’ll be flown to New York for an interview next month. “I’m so excited,” he said. “I’ve never been there.”

He added, “This is a direct result of the article.”

Along with the joyful news, Gravens sent the screen shot you see above.

Now, he begins life off the list.

The Houston Chronicle reported today that the U.S. Justice Department is investigating six relatively recent cases of shootings or alleged use of force violations against unarmed citizens by the Houston Police Department.

HPD Chief Charles McClelland asked the Justice Department to investigate three of the cases, and federal prosecutors requested investigation of three others, citing widespread outrage and publicity.

Dateline Houston readers will, I’m sorry to say, be familiar with most of the cases (click the hyperlinks for our previous coverage):

1. Chad Holley, an unarmed teenage burglary suspect beaten by a nearly dozen police officers

2. Annika Lewis, the wife of a man being beaten by police in his yard after a minor traffic infraction. Annika, who is less than five feet tall, was allegedly tackled and punched after she filmed police beating her unarmed husband. She says they also took the memory card from her phone

3. Rufino Lara, who was shot unarmed after allegedly refusing to show his hands, though witnesses say he had his hands up

4. Brian Claunch, a double amputee who was shot unarmed after police thought his ballpoint pen was a weapon

5. Anthony Childress, who says he was stopped by police and beaten while riding his bike, losing six teeth and requiring 56 stitches

6. A minor in handcuffs, unnamed, who was punched by an officer, an assault caught on new cameras.

Dateline Houston has also reported on several other incidents.

In a statement, the ACLU of Texas Legal & Policy Director Rebecca Robertson said, “Good cops don’t fear accountability; they welcome it.”

Tonight, the Texas Observer’s own Melissa del Bosque will moderate a free public forum in Houston called “The True Cost of Environmental Justice.”

At issue is Texas’ longstanding pro-business approach to regulation—which is to say, not having it—and whether the jobs created by oil and chemical refineries are worth the local health and environmental costs.

While Houston has weathered the recession better than practically anyplace, a major reason is that Harris and its surrounding counties are home to more than 260 oil refineries, chemical plants, and other large industrial facilities, according to a recent count by the Houston Chronicle. Houstonians have a special interest in the balance between a strong economy and a safe, healthy home.

Ms. del Bosque and Observer multimedia editor Jen Reel know all about this. They produced our November cover story, “Kochworld,” which documented the pollution plaguing communities abutting Koch Industries-owned refineries in Corpus Christi. After spending months interviewing sick residents, Reel and del Bosque turned out a feature so good that the Koch bros put out their Benjamin-wrapped cigars long enough to fire off a rebuttal on their Myspace page corporate website kochfacts.com.

State Sen. Rodney Ellis will join del Bosque for tonight’s discussion, along with Matthew Tejada of Air Alliance Houston, Bryan Parras of T. E. J. A. S., and Dr. Jay Olaguer of the Houston Advanced Research Center. Jen Reel will provide a video introduction.

The place is Rice University, the McMurtry Auditorium in Duncan Hall. The time is 7 p.m. I’ll see you there.

A sign that says "vote" in many languages

On Fox yesterday, GOP strategist Karl Rove claimed that Obama won re-election by “suppressing the vote” His evidence? Obama captured a smaller percentage of votes than he did in 2008. Obama’s method? Making people dislike Mitt Romney.

“Suppressing the vote” just doesn’t mean what it used to.

Houston knows how to (allegedly) suppress a vote. Its suburbs spawned True the Vote, the poll-watching tea partiers who tend to target minority districts for their scrutiny. And this fall, Houstonians made up a huge proportion of Texas’s not-actually-dead voters who were slated to have their registrations cancelled, more of whom were in minority than Anglo districts.

But in the end, it was all sound and fury, signifying nothing. Public outcry paused the zombie voter purge, and the Houston Chronicle minced no words with Tuesday’s headline, “True the Vote’s impact said to be negligible.”

TTV founder Catherine Engelbrecht says they received hundreds of complaints and that it takes time to sort and submit them to election officials, so the group’s real results are yet to come. (Their 2010 efforts yielded only a few investigations and no criminal action.) So TTV may or may not have sniffed out fraud. But it doesn’t seem to have suppressed the vote either. Several civil rights groups under an umbrella organization, the Election Protection Coalition, say that while they got around 70,000 complaints of their own about election troubles, very few were about True the Vote.

There was, however, one showdown. A True the Vote-trained poll watcher says the NAACP took over and “basically ran” the Harris County Precinct 139 location. Allegedly, the nefarious NAACP handed out bottled water to voters in long lines and selected people (the NAACP says they were elderly and/or disabled) to go to the front of the line, “stirring up the crowd” to vote for Obama.

Someone better tell Karl Rove.

"Vote here" signDateline Houston is confused.

Texas Republicans are passionately concerned about so-called voter integrity. Ensuring this integrity has spurred legislation, court battles, and private citizens’ groups taking up only-probably-metaphorical arms against hordes of evildoers who might somehow steal elections from conservatives in a place that hasn’t elected a Democrat to statewide office since 1994.

So why wouldn’t the state welcome even more integrity-minded poll monitors?

“We just wouldn’t, okay?” Dateline Houston imagines Attorney General Greg Abbott snapping before returning his attention to a hand mirror onto which he’d pasted a picture of Anderson Cooper.

Until very recently, Republicans were the only ones mobilizing against alleged electoral shenanigans. In the interest of preventing a dubiously documented and apparently deeply ineffective rash of election fraud, Texas Republicans wrote and passed the voter ID law that only coincidentally disenfranchises traditionally Democratic groups, and which Attorney General Greg Abbott has failed to prove in court is not racist. The Republican-controlled Legislature also changed how counties identify voters who may have died, which led—again only coincidentally—to the potential deletion of many living voters who, statistically, were more likely to have been Democrats. A lawsuit is underway.

And then there’s True the Vote. TTV is a poll-watching project of the King Street Patriots, a supposedly nonpartisan Houston group spawned during the tea party orgy of 2009. In the 2010 elections, True the Vote trained and dispatched about 1000 volunteers to mostly minority neighborhoods to hunt voting irregularities and stare down would-be defrauders. As the Observer’s Patrick Michels reported, “[they] combined to send 800 complaints of improper voting to Harris County officials, who investigated a few but ended up taking no legal action. …While it generated little evidence of voter fraud, the King Street Patriots’ effort did result in complaints about voter intimidation and breached ethics, a lawsuit from the Texas Democratic Party, and an investigation by the U.S. Department of Justice.”

To review: the party that hasn’t lost a statewide election in 18 years finds itself so besieged by election-stealing leftist lawbreakers that they have dedicated serious time and money at every level of their organization to curb it.

Of course, when anybody questions this—particularly if the sentence starts, “But, statistically…”—these patriots clutch their life-sized plush bald eagles and fall to the floor, shuddering with apoplexy, whispering, “freedom…”

The most recent freak-out was when a United Nations-affiliated group of election monitors announced it would send a total of 44 observers to the entire United States to watch for voter suppression, just as they have for years, at the invitation of the United States, and do all over the world.

In Texas, the fertilizer totally hit the ventilation system.

Attorney General Greg Abbott bewailed the UN invasion most concisely in a tweet: “UN poll watchers can’t interfere w/ Texas elections. I’ll bring criminal charges if needed. Official letter posted soon. #comeandtakeit”. On Wednesday, he explained to Reuters, “They act like they may not be subject to Texas law and our goal all along is to make clear to them that while they’re in Texas, they’re subject to Texas law, and we’re not giving them an exemption.”

In response, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) pinky-swore not to buy beer before noon on Sunday.

Then Abbott admitted that, actually, he was afraid the OSCE could do exactly what True the Vote, by many accounts, does. “Our concern is that this isn’t some benign observation but something intended to be far more prying and maybe even an attempt to suppress voter integrity,” he told Reuters.

Maryland Democrat Elijah Cummings, a ranking member of the U.S. House Oversight and Government Reform Committee, says True the Vote does just that. On October 18, Politico reported that Cummings had sent two letters to True the Vote asking for documents and citing reports that there “is mounting evidence that True the Vote’s aggressive poll monitoring tactics are being closely coordinated with the Republican Party” and has, in the words of one report, “a highly partisan and political agenda to deny African Americans and Latinos, specifically, the right to vote.”

With so much hand-wringing about poll-watching, one wonders what they’re all watching for. How do you spot fraudulent voters? What do they look like?

Well, in a very recent local case, the fraudster looks like a Republican precinct chairman who was running for a seat on the Fort Bend County Commissioner’s Court. Records show that Bruce Fleming voted both in person in Sugar Land and by mail in Pennsylvania—an actual swing state where a single fraudulent vote really could make an actual difference—in 2006, 2008, and 2010.

Catherine Englebrecht, founder and president of True the Vote, lives in Fleming’s Precinct 1. She and TTV were not responsible for uncovering Fleming’s alleged fraud.

For the November elections, True the Vote has long maintained it wants to send two million eyeballs to the polls. Considering that they seem to be many hundred thousands short of their goal, you’d think they’d want all the help they can get.

 

Lloyd Oliver
Lloyd Oliver

Dateline Houston cannot adequately communicate how vivid and disturbing the Houston Press’s new cover story profiling Lloyd Oliver is. You’ll just have to read it. Oliver, of course, is the guy who spent $325 in the Democratic primary for Harris County District Attorney campaigning against a highly qualified favorite—and won by 3000 votes. A lawyer with a checkered past, Oliver has run unsuccessfully for several offices, often as a Republican, because he says it drums up business for his law practice. Harris County Democrats tried to boot Oliver from the ticket for saying he would have voted for the incumbent DA, a Republican who lost in the primary, but Oliver took the issue to court and prevailed.

Because Oliver is a, how you say, local character, mirth ensued. Briefly.

Then, September 28, Oliver appeared on the Houston PBS political forum “Red, White and Blue” and was asked to clarify a remark he made publicly in March, that domestic violence victims should “maybe learn how to box a little better.” Confronted with his own words, Oliver didn’t backtrack. “There are some people,” he explained, “[and] I don’t understand it, but part of their making love is beat up one another first.”

Dateline Houston doesn’t think Oliver understood A Streetcar Named Desire.

Oliver went on to say that domestic violence cases should be prosecuted less often, so that taxpayer money and jail space can be reserved for “baby rapers” and the like.

It shouldn’t require explanation that domestic violence, and the prehistoric attitude that abuse is a private problem that doesn’t require or deserve public resources, is abhorrent. But by the by, October is Domestic Violence Awareness Month, and according to Harris County Domestic Violence Coordinating Council, Harris County sees more victims killed by abuse than any other county in the state.

Really, Oliver’s stand on this issue but scratches the surface of the political melanoma that is his candidacy. Here’s a tiny sample more from the Press feature:

“[Oliver] compliments women frequently on whatever ‘fine aroma’ they may be wearing. He characterizes certain teenage girls as ‘sticking out every which way you can imagine.’ … He is wary of Seattle because of all the ‘queers holding hands’ and the ‘rag heads.’ He loves soup. And his opinion of the local Democratic leadership? ‘Frustrated homosexuals.’”

Practically everyone who’s paying attention is worried that Oliver could win if enough people vote straight-ticket Democrat, which is perhaps likelier in this presidential election year. Oliver’s opponent, Republican Mike Anderson, “said an Oliver victory could spark a mass exodus of as many as 100 of the 240 prosecutors in the District Attorney’s Office,” according to the Houston Chronicle.

Dateline Houston hopes to learn, and soon, that Oliver’s whole candidacy and persona are part of a Borat-like farce intended to illustrate the dangers of an uninformed, partisan electorate. But if that turns out not to be the case, this show is definitely not funny anymore.

 

 

When Dateline Houston reported on Harris County’s deeply flawed “dead” voter purge, in which the county—under state instruction and then duress—risked disenfranchising thousands of legitimate voters in the interest of election integrity, the Houston Chronicle had already pointed out that a disproportionate number of those affected were minorities. At the time, Dateline Houston wasn’t aware of anyone coming out and saying the purge was motivated by racial or partisan bias. Well, now someone has.

First, the quick-and-dirty history. (Long snarky version here.) The state regularly uses various data to determine if a voter has died and should have her registration canceled. Last session, the Texas Legislature passed a bill that dramatically expanded (and, it seems, polluted) that list. About 77,000 Texans got letters in the mail asking if they were dead, and saying their voter registration would be canceled if they didn’t write back. Harris County residents got 9,000 of those letters. When Harris County Tax Assessor-Collector Don Sumners heard immediate complaints from living voters, he said no one here would be purged until after the election and more investigation. To coerce Harris County into compliance, the state froze the county’s voter registration funding. Four not-dead-yet voters sued, and the whole affair was dropped until after the election.

To Dateline Houston, it seemed Sumners was defending all voters by stopping the operation as soon as it proved defective. But not to LULAC.

The League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) joined seven voters Thursday in filing a federal lawsuit against Harris County and Sumners, alleging that he “targets the Latino and black communities in his voter purging by ZIP code,” said Attorney Luis Roberto Vera, Jr., LULAC’s general counsel, to the Houston Chronicle.

That makes LULAC’s accusation sound like a straightforward, moustache-twisting deletion of Garcias. Actually, what the suit alleges are a few piecemeal forms of discrimination only loosely tied to the recent voter purge, plus the overarching observation that the voter application rejection rate from 2009 to 2012 was higher for Latinos and black voters than for Anglos, and higher in majority Latino and black neighborhoods than majority Anglo neighborhoods.

The suit alleges this effect is deliberate, “undertaken with a racially discriminatory intent to deny or abridge the right to vote of African-American [and]…Latino persons.”

LULAC alleges that Sumners is denying voter applications because the voter’s residential address might be a commercial address, despite a 2009 settlement with the Texas Democratic Party where Harris County specifically promised that they wouldn’t do that. Sumners also allegedly rejected hundreds of applications for failing to include “all the required information,” despite the fact that the 2009 settlement included a fairly short list of basic information that had to be “legibly [provided]” for registration. LULAC also says that “all the required information” is too vague a grounds for rejection, and that Sumners’ decision not to send his staff to collect the voter registrations from new citizens at Houston Area Naturalization Ceremonies constituted a change in procedures that required federal pre-clearance under Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act.

Finally, LULAC objects to Sumners’ failure to notify the 9000 Harris County residents who got “Are you dead?” letters that their registrations would not be canceled even if they failed to confirm their perpetuance.

It’s worth noting that House Bill 174, which expanded the perhaps-dead voter list by requiring the secretary of state to incorporate data from the Social Security “death master list,” passed with only one opposing vote and did get federal pre-clearance.

In response to the LULAC suit, Sumners’ office put out a press release that can be objectively described as snotty. It begins: “Here we go again. Another unwarranted political lawsuit.”

The release, written in the first person apparently by Sumners, says LULAC’s accusations are a retread of the previous suit, baseless and politically motivated. He’s obviously not rejecting voters for commercial addresses, he says, because a True the Voter recently sent him a “challenge” list of hundreds of registered voters with commercial address whom she wanted removed. Of course, this isn’t as strong a defense as it initially seems, because LULAC is not alleging that Sumners is cancelling all voter registrations from commercial addresses. They allege that Sumners is cancelling more commercial-address registrations from minority neighborhoods than Anglo ones. So the fact that a True-the-Voter can come up with hundreds of commercial-address voter registrations doesn’t prove that LULAC is wrong. If those addresses turned out to be in predominantly Anglo neighborhoods, it could prove them right.

Sumners also points out that nobody, dead or undead, is getting purged before the November elections, which also sounds like a strong defense at first. But that’s not what LULAC’s suit is about. It’s about, in part, the failure of Sumners’ office to notify people that they won’t be purged in the same official capacity as he told them they would be. Sumners’ retort also focuses only on the last two months, and doesn’t address the LULAC claim that racially disproportionate purges have been occurring since 2009.

Finally, Sumners says that the naturalization ceremony claim is “totally wrong and easily disproven,” though he doesn’t say how.

If the system works, the courts will establish who’s right in this he-said-they-said conflict. Place your bets in the comments section. But to Dateline Houston, the most important player in the Harris County zombie voter scandal is only mentioned in passing the in the dispatches from these two sides.

In the second paragraph of Sumners’ “pfft, check out this guy” press release, he notes, “The Secretary of State is not named as a defendant” in LULAC’s suit. The Texas legislature, after all, found time to pass into law the big changes that risked so much disenfranchisement, all to stop the four dead-voter-impersonators that cast ballots in this year’s run-offs. But the Secretary of State’s office is the one that froze Harris County voter registration funding for refusing to purge voters even after it became obvious to all involved that the new dead list was fatally flawed.

While LULAC mud-wrestles Harris County, who will point fingers at the state?

Photo taken from Houston Police Department Facebook page

 

Today, Houston is struggling with the shooting death of yet another unarmed citizen at the hands of the Houston Police Department. It is the fourth shooting of an unarmed person, and the third death, since July 9.

Just past midnight this (Thursday) morning, 38-year-old Kenneth Releford allegedly kicked in the front door of his neighbor’s home in south central Houston, assaulted the two boys and an elderly man living there, and left.

A lengthy Houston Chronicle article published early this afternoon took its account from John Cannon, a Houston Police Department spokesman. It reports that Releford “hit” the elderly man and that the son said the man “was not hurt when [Releford] tried to hit him.”

“Cannon said the elderly man and the juveniles who were allegedly attacked were not seriously injured and were treated at the scene,” the Chronicle wrote. But when the police statement on the event arrived this afternoon, it said that Releford “sexually assaulted one of the juvenile males.”

The family later said Releford had never bothered them before, and said they didn’t know why he’d attacked them, though they believed he may have had mental health problems.

Releford went home and HPD arrived. The officers went to Releford’s house and he came out on his porch, allegedly with his left hand behind his back. Releford screamed at Officer J. Rosemon, who’s been on the force for less than two years, and advanced on him as the officer retreated, keeping his left hand behind his back and ignoring commands to stop and show the hand, according to the Houston Police account.

Officer Rosemon fired twice, hitting Releford, who proved unarmed.

HPD paramedics arrived and Releford fought with them—another suggestion that Releford was mentally ill. He was pronounced dead at Ben Taub General Hospital.

Late last month, HPD came under strictly metaphorical fire for an officer’s fatal shooting of a mentally ill, unarmed double-amputee in a wheelchair.

Earlier in September, an HPD officer shot, but did not kill, another unarmed citizen with a history of mental illness. And in July, an HPD officer shot and killed an unarmed man whom the officer said was not responding to commands but whom two witnesses said was cooperating.

In September, one HPD officer also shot at, but missed, an unarmed alleged beer thief in the back of a car who made a “quick move.” Another officer shot two suspects in a car fleeing after a bar fight.

A July 30 report in the Houston Chronicle observed that shootings of HPD suspects were on the upswing, having doubled compared with the same period the previous year. Department officials, and the Houston police union, said the trend was “likely cyclical.”

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